Showing posts with label Max Weber. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Max Weber. Show all posts

Wednesday, 10 September 2025

Jonathan Rausch's ridiculous Patrimonial Trump

Jonathan Rausch, writing for the Atlantic, in February, claimed that, in the work of the German Sociologist, Max Weber, he had found the

One Word (that) Describes Trump

In a previous post, I suggested that word was 'Caesarist'. Trump launches trade-wars and uses 'lawfare'. He has put troops on City streets. He talks of annexation. Might he, if otherwise thwarted, seek a military victory to restore his popularity?

The point about Caesars, or Napoleons, is they don't know when to stop. They suffer hubris. Moreover, they magnify their own past achievements in so megalomaniacal a manner as to become a prisoner to their own mythos. They seek to repeat past triumphs with farcical results. Caesar was stabbed to death by his own chums. Napoleon ended up a caged beast in a small island in the Atlantic. What will happen to Trump if the Markets turn against him and he loses the mid-terms? Impeachment hearings. Like Nixon he will resign to get a Presidential pardon. He will become the scapegoat and pariah of his party. Hopefully, by then, he will be too senile to care.

Rausch takes a different view.  

A century ago, a German sociologist explained precisely how the president thinks about the world.

That German Sociologist didn't understand American or British society. More damagingly, he didn't understand his own country. 

Britain's 'Political Arithmetic' had turned into a professionalised Statistical methodology endorsed by Parliament in the early Nineteenth Century. It's Sociology was highly empirical. America at a later date developed an empirical Sociological literature. Germany did not lack in Statistics but officials rather than politicians,  and academics rather than journalists or popular writers (e.g. Bernard Shaw), compiled and interpreted these numbers. The result was that the Germans  could not see the wood for the trees and did stupid things. Consider the 'Schweinmord'- the slaughter of the pigs on the grounds that they were 'co-eaters'. The fact is, it was the price ceiling on potatoes put in when war broke out which caused farmers to feed potatoes to their pigs. The obvious remedy was to buy potatoes at a market clearing price and use a public distribution system to get subsidized potatoes to people in the cities. Instead pigs were deemed 'co-eaters' and slaughtered though the manure they produced was essential to farmers and there were no good substitutes for the fat and protein their meat contained. It is odd that nobody objected to the irrationality of this procedure. Sociological facts- e.g. farmers responding to price signals- were ignored so that statistics could turn the humble pig into a sinister 'co-eater' feasting, so to speak, on the famished corpses of good German people. 

What exactly is Donald Trump doing?

He is doing what Ross Perot or Bernie Sanders did when they denounced free trade and demanded protectionist policies.  This makes him the Caesar of 'Trade War'. True, he also engages in 'Lawfare' but that tool was used against him quite recently. Indeed, there is a recent enough precedent for everything he does though, it must be said, as the only POTUS, who never held any sort of political or civil service or military office, his style of functioning is sui generis. 

Since taking office, he has reduced his administration’s effectiveness by appointing to essential agencies people who lack the skills and temperaments to do their jobs.

Obama appointed Comey to head the FBI. That didn't turn out well. I think, both parties have learnt the same lesson from this. Appoint loyalists. That's the only skill or temperament that counts. What's cool is that if you have a shitty head of the Secret Service, the opposition candidate may eat a bullet. Sadly, the rising generation of crazy snipers lack the training and temperament of Lee Harvey Oswald. 

His mass firings have emptied the civil service of many of its most capable employees. He has defied laws that he could just as easily have followed (for instance, refusing to notify Congress 30 days before firing inspectors general). He has disregarded the plain language of statutes, court rulings, and the Constitution, setting up confrontations with the courts that he is likely to lose. Few of his orders have gone through a policy-development process that helps ensure they won’t fail or backfire—thus ensuring that many will.

Sounds like he is an elderly incompetent guy. But that became clear in his first administration. If he was voted back, it was because Biden's administration (which Kamala was capable of continuing) was considered worse.  

In foreign affairs, he has antagonized Denmark, Canada, and Panama;

he had to start somewhere. Now he has royally pissed off the Brazilians and Indians and so forth.  

renamed the Gulf of Mexico the “Gulf of America”; and unveiled a Gaz-a-Lago plan. For good measure, he named himself chair of the Kennedy Center, as if he didn’t have enough to do.

He's an old man. If he doesn't do it now, when will he do it? Still, he seems to have a tight grip on his party. Biden didn't. 


Even those who expected the worst from his reelection (I among them) expected more rationality. Today, it is clear that what has happened since January 20 is not just a change of administration but a change of regime—a change, that is, in our system of government. But a change to what?

It is a return to a triumphal Caesarism. Trump is the 'plebiscitary' President Max Weber wanted for Weimar. He doesn't give a fuck about Legislative gridlock or Judicial or Administrative delays. He 'gets things done'. True, the Markets may crash as the chickens come home to roost but if he knows whom to squeeze there are plenty of Hedge funds and Trust funds and Federal funds- like those of Freddie Mac & Fannie Mae or else money given to specific companies like Intel- which can be mobilized to prop up the market. After all, what matters is the after tax return. If, thanks to the Big Beautiful Bill, stocks can climb because of generous depreciation and other such tax loopholes, Trump wins the mid-terms and can enjoy his last two years in a way which neither of his two predecessors could do. 

There is an answer, and it is not classic authoritarianism—nor is it autocracy, oligarchy, or monarchy. Trump is installing what scholars call patrimonialism.

Nonsense! Even Saudi Arabia or Oman is no longer patrimonial. If Weber didn't consider the American 'spoils system' (whereby the new President appointed his supporters to all Federal positions) to be patrimonial, then, though he might see Trump as 'Caesarist' (more particularly in his deporting migrants and raising tariffs) because he is giving the masses what they want regardless of procedural propriety, he would not label his regime as patrimonial.  

Understanding patrimonialism is essential to defeating it.

Trump didn't lose to Biden because of nepotism or cronyism. He lost because, in the debates, Biden, a famously nice guy, looked like Clint Eastwood just about to slap down a fat blow-hard bully. Also Kamala was alive. Pence was clearly dead. There was a fly sitting on his head. 

In particular, it has a fatal weakness that Democrats and Trump’s other opponents should make their primary and relentless line of attack.

Get indictments on his family or cronies by all means. It will be a good opportunity to give everybody in his entourage a Presidential pardon. He'd be well advised to take one himself from Vance before quitting office. 

Last year, two professors published a book that deserves wide attention. In The Assault on the State: How the Global Attack on Modern Government Endangers Our Future, Stephen E. Hanson, a government professor at the College of William & Mary, and Jeffrey S. Kopstein, a political scientist at UC Irvine, resurface a mostly forgotten term whose lineage dates back to Max Weber, the German sociologist best known for his seminal book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.

It was shit. The Boers in South Africa were Protestants. They had zero Capitalist spirit. On the other hand, it is true that no Jew has ever run a successful business enterprise.  

Weber wondered how the leaders of states derive legitimacy, the claim to rule rightfully.

The answer, if they were actually ruling but not otherwise, was and is 'the law'. What is legitimate is what is legal. What doesn't exist may be legal but isn't legitimate because it isn't real. In Salic jurisdictions, the legitimate ruler had to be male. Not so in non-Salic areas. That's why Maria Theresa was never de jure the Holy Roman Empress. Yet, de facto, that is what she was after winning one or two wars. 

He thought it boiled down to two choices. One is rational legal bureaucracy (or “bureaucratic proceduralism”), a system in which legitimacy is bestowed by institutions following certain rules and norms.

They need not be 'bureaucratic' even if it is ceremonial.  Trump's election was not contested. He was sworn in by the usual method and in conformity with the law of the land.  

That is the American system we all took for granted until January 20. Presidents, federal officials, and military inductees swear an oath to the Constitution, not to a person.

Whereas, in the UK, allegiance is sworn to a person- King Charles III. So what? 

The other source of legitimacy is more ancient, more common, and more intuitive—“the default form of rule in the premodern world,” Hanson and Kopstein write. “The state was little more than the extended ‘household’ of the ruler; it did not exist as a separate entity.”

It did exist as a separate territorial entity. Laying claim to the Crown of that territory did not mean laying claim to the 'household' of the ruler. He and his family and his servants were welcome to fuck off. What mattered was the territory and such taxes or other revenues customarily due to the Crown.  

Weber called this system “patrimonialism” because rulers claimed to be the symbolic father of the people— 

they might. They might not. King Leopold didn't claim to have fathered millions of black people in Congo.  

the state’s personification and protector. Exactly that idea was implied in Trump’s own chilling declaration: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law.”

It is associated with Napoleon Bonaparte- the prime example of Weber's 'plebiscitary' or 'Caesarist' First Consul. His nephew became President before deciding to upgrade his title to Emperor.  Neither Bonaparte ruled in a patrimonial manner. Rather they presided over a well organized bureaucracy. Indeed, the present French State owes a lot to Napoleonic Institutions as well as his Legal Code. 

In his day, Weber thought that patrimonialism was on its way to history’s scrap heap.

He thought it only existed in some parts of Africa. But he was wrong to think China was patrimonial. It had been bureaucratic for thousands of years.  

Its personalized style of rule was too inexpert and capricious to manage the complex economies and military machines that, after Bismarck,

after Bismarck, the young Kaiser screwed things up by meddling in foreign policy and even military matters- e.g. putting in Von Moltke rather than Hindenburg. That's why there was a big War and a big defeat such that he lost his throne.  

became the hallmarks of modern statehood. Unfortunately, he was wrong.

Weber was wrong about everything because he was stupid and had studied worthless shite.  

Patrimonialism is less a form of government than a style of governing.

Fair point. Orban's regime could be called 'patrimonial'. He is being challenged by a young chap who had benefited from his loyalty to the ruling party. Then he got into a spat with his wife who was the Justice Minister. He taped her secretly and then went public with stories of a Presidential pardon for a guy who covered up sex abuse in a children's home and various other sorts of corruption. His ex-wife hit back by saying he had threatened her into making the said recordings. Sadly, he did not counter this allegation by saying his wife had repeatedly sodomized and decapitated him till she forced him to threaten her to make the recordings.  

It is not defined by institutions or rules; rather, it can infect all forms of government by replacing impersonal, formal lines of authority with personalized, informal ones. Based on individual loyalty and connections, and on rewarding friends and punishing enemies (real or perceived), it can be found not just in states but also among tribes, street gangs, and criminal organizations.

It has a long history in the US.  Tammany Hall politics featured in the rise of Obama and Kamala. Nobody holds this against them. 

In its governmental guise, patrimonialism is distinguished by running the state as if it were the leader’s personal property or family business.

Like the Kennedys? No. The Bushs.  

It can be found in many countries, but its main contemporary exponent—at least until January 20, 2025—has been Vladimir Putin.

He is a KGB ghoul. We don't know much about his family.  

In the first portion of his rule,

he was miles better than the drunkard Yeltsin who had brought him in.  

he ran the Russian state as a personal racket. State bureaucracies and private companies continued to operate, but the real governing principle was Stay on Vladimir Vladimirovich’s good side … or else.

Equally, Putin had to stay on the good side of various mobsters- like the head of the Wagner Group- till he was in a position to arrange an 'accident' for them. 

Seeking to make the world safe for gangsterism,

it was already so 

Putin used propaganda, subversion, and other forms of influence to spread the model abroad.

Did you know that everybody who voted for Trump was secretly influenced by Putin's propaganda? That's also the reason they did not undergo gender reassignment surgery.  

Over time, the patrimonial model gained ground in states as diverse as Hungary, Poland, Turkey, and India.

India had been 'patrimonial' when it was ruled by a Dynasty. But that ended in 2014 when the Crown Prince refused to become PM. He didn't want to meet the same fate as his daddy or granny. Assassination tempers both autocracy and patrimonialism. 

Gradually (as my colleague Anne Applebaum has documented), those states coordinated in something like a syndicate of crime families—“working out problems,” write Hanson and Kopstein in their book, “divvying up the spoils, sometimes quarreling, but helping each other when needed. Putin in this scheme occupied the position of the capo di tutti capi, the boss of bosses.”

The KGB was far scarier than the Mafia. Moreover, its criminal gangs were much tougher probably because prison conditions in Russia were utterly brutal

Until now. Move over, President Putin.

Trump will spend assassins to put some radio-active substance in your soup. That way you will have a slow and very painful death. Sadly, he won't stop there. He will resurrect you and then sodomize and decapitate you. Also you will be required to sign an affidavit stating that Trump has a big and beautiful penis. It isn't tiny at all. Vance, of course, has such a big dick he can only fuck sofas. 

To understand the source of Trump’s hold on power, and its main weakness, one needs to understand what patrimonialism is not. It is not the same as classic authoritarianism.

Which can be as patrimonial as fuck. Indira Gandhi's Emergency was highly authoritarian. It was also quite literally patrimonial. Her son reckoned he needed to take over the whole country before he could manufacture a small car. 

And it is not necessarily antidemocratic.

Voters may prefer the devil- or dynasty- they know to the one they don't.  

Patrimonialism’s antithesis is not democracy; it is bureaucracy, or, more precisely, bureaucratic proceduralism.

Nonsense! Every patrimonialist shithole has a vast bureaucracy. But if you are a chum of the Beloved Leader's nephew and want an import license or unsecured bank loan or whatever, then all the paperwork will be done for you while you sip a cup of tea. For anybody else the process would take at least 8 months. But even after they get clearance, they will stay have to pay a hefty bribe. 

Classic authoritarianism—the sort of system seen in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union—is often heavily bureaucratized.

During the War, America & the UK were even more highly bureaucratized because they had more complex economies and could draw on the labour of well educated volunteers- e.g. the people supervising rationing, evacuation of children from cities, managing scrap metal drives, etc. 

When authoritarians take power, they consolidate their rule by creating structures such as secret police, propaganda agencies, special military units, and politburos.

They may do. They may not. The new administration takes over existing institutions and may change the personnel. But they may also create new institutions so as to create 'jobs for the boys'. Consider the War Time British Ministry of Information. People suspected that its head, Brendan Bracken, must be Churchill's illegitimate son. Why else were so much resources being lavished on it? England had run a very effective propaganda campaign in the First War on a shoestring budget. The answer was that, in a coalition government, all sorts of journalists and intellectuals had to be accommodated. Evelyn Waugh has described the farcical aspects of this in 'Put out more flags'.  

They legitimate their power with legal codes and constitutions.

Only if they obey them. Churchill scrupulously obeyed what existed. That's why his coalition partners were comfortable with him.  

Orwell understood the bureaucratic aspect of classic authoritarianism;

he understood shit. Still, he had been in the Imperial Police and thus was assumed to be some sort of double or triple or quadruple agent. This wasn't the case. He was simply stupid. Great writer. Stupid man.  

in 1984, Oceania’s ministries of Truth (propaganda),

based on Churchill's Ministry of Information which occupied the rather sinister looking London University Senate House. But it was a harmless place, full of wackos just like the Beeb. Instead of propaganda, they were broadcasting Max Beerbohm reminiscing about great Music Hall stars from the 1890s.  This turned out to be far more effective than Goebbels screaming his fucking lungs out. 

Peace (war), and Love (state security) are the regime’s most characteristic (and terrifying) features.

Fuck off. It's the notion that your TV might be watching you that was terrifying. Then I bought one of the new TVs with a built in camera. I no longer care if it sees me nude and if this voids the warranty.

By contrast, patrimonialism is suspicious of bureaucracies;

Nonsense! It is nice to give out jobs to those of your second cousins who are mentally retarded though you might also help a bright kid who is the nephew of your barber.  

after all, to exactly whom are they loyal?

Guys who can promote them or give them an extension of service. Thus the idiot second cousin is promoted because you have married him off to a discarded mistress of yours. But you might also promote the nephew of the barber because he is hella smart. 

Still, the point about a bureaucracy is 'rent extraction'. The Department heads have to make regular cash deliveries to your bagman. Otherwise they are transferred to some shithole.  

They might acquire powers of their own, and their rules and processes might prove obstructive.

Bureaucracy is meant to be obstructive. 

People with expertise, experience, and distinguished résumés are likewise suspect because they bring independent standing and authority.

Fuck off! They are apple polishing sycophants with zero intelligence or enterprise. If they weren't, they'd be making big money in the private sector.  

So patrimonialism stocks the government with nonentities and hacks, or, when possible, it bypasses bureaucratic procedures altogether.

It may do. It may not. Lee Kuan Yew wanted an efficient civil service and that is what he got. His son resigned as PM, though stayed on as 'Senior Minister', last year because of a family feud. His brother had taken refugee asylum in the UK by alleging government persecution.  Singapore is authoritarian in one sense. Is it patrimonial? One might say, it is highly efficient, and has become very rich, because that is what Lee Kuan Yew wanted. That is patrimony he handed down. Most would agree that he really was a very good father to his people. 

When security officials at USAID tried to protect classified information from Elon Musk’s uncleared DOGE team, they were simply put on leave.

Musk was a wimp. Had Trump been in charge those 'security officials' would have woken up to find the decapitated head of their prize race horse in bed with them. Vance, of course, would be fucking the sofa greatly to its distress.  

Patrimonial governance’s aversion to formalism makes it capricious and even whimsical—such as when the leader announces, out of nowhere, the renaming of international bodies of water or the U.S. occupation of Gaza.

This sounds more like amateurism than patrimonialism.  

Also unlike classic authoritarianism, patrimonialism can coexist with democracy,

You can have an authoritarian, patrimonial, democracy- like India under the Dynasty 

at least for a while. As Hanson and Kopstein write, “A leader may be democratically elected but still seek to legitimate his or her rule patrimonially.

In a traditional society, there may be the expectation that the spoils of office are shared in some particular way- e.g. nephews get more than cousins and so forth.  

Increasingly, elected leaders have sought to demolish bureaucratic administrative states (‘deep states,’ they sometimes call them) built up over decades in favor of rule by family and friends.” India’s Narendra Modi,

was the alternative to rule by the Dynasty which has plenty of long time sycophants.  

Hungary’s Viktor Orbán,

a mainstream politician who entrenched himself in a manner familiar to Italians, Greeks and so forth. But there are plenty of American Counties where you might observe something similar.  

and Trump himself are examples of elected patrimonial leaders—and ones who have achieved substantial popular support and democratic legitimacy.

None are. Modi comes from a cadre based party. The RSS- his parent organization- is not considered patrimonial. There is little point attending the 'shakha' if what you want is a government contract. 

Still, I don't doubt that wherever it is in office, it gets money which previously went to the previous CM. Interestingly they introduced a scheme which permitted the donor to be sure all his money was getting through. It wasn't being siphoned off by the middle-man. 

Once in power, patrimonialists love to clothe themselves in the rhetoric of democracy,

only if that's how they got power. A guy who became the ruler of an Emirate because the Tribal Council chose him because of his piety doesn't talk about democracy. He talks about Islamic piety. If he was chosen because of his business acumen and modern ideas. That is what he talks about.  

like Elon Musk justifying his team’s extralegal actions as making the “unelected fourth unconstitutional branch of government” be “responsive to the people.”

Trump & Musk fell out. Perhaps they have patched things up again. Get a room- you two!  

Nonetheless, as patrimonialism snips the government’s procedural tendons,

it may create bureaucratic institutions to give ' jobs for the boys' or to ensure people from one's own clan are able to keep tabs on everything.  One may say that 'petticoat government', or the ruler's clique,  snips procedural tendons by demanding things in the name of the ruler from officials who comply out of fear without getting proper authorization. This becomes a sword of Damocles dangling over their heads. Also it demoralizes the cadre. 

it weakens and eventually cripples the state.

It may do. It may not. The Saudis and Omanis and Emiratis seem to be doing very well.  

Over time, as it seeks to embed itself, many leaders attempt the transition to full-blown authoritarianism.

Where? Only in countries where authoritarianism was the norm. People may feel that's the only way the place can be governed. Weber, after the War, wanted a Caesarist President to replace the departed Kaiser.  

“Electoral processes and constitutional norms cannot survive long when patrimonial legitimacy begins to dominate the political arena,” write Hanson and Kopstein.

In the Nineteenth Century, the converse was true. You become independent. You have some sort of election so as to decide which faction gets to rule. Then everybody suggests importing some German Princeling to be the Constitutional Monarch. He will act as an umpire and prevent internecine warfare.

 The Hashemite King of Jordan is an example. His ancestor was the Sharif of Mecca and was supposed to get the Hejaz. But Ibn Saud drove him out. One son was given Syria but was pushed out by the French. So the Brits gave him Iraq where he did a good enough job. Sadly, there was a Revolution after Iraq joined CENTO (i.e. an American alliance) back in the Fifties. Another son was given Trans-Jordan. His descendants were smart and were able to push out the PLO during Black September. Still, they have to be very careful because of the instability of their part of the world. The Assads have had to flee. No one can be sure what will happen next in Syria. 

Even if authoritarianism is averted, the damage that patrimonialism does to state capacity is severe.

Only if it does stupid shit. Plenty of patrimonial regimes don't do stupid shit. In the case of the Assads, it was the death of the elder son which caused the installation of the younger chap who didn't understand the politics of his own country. The regime had previously helped farmers during droughts and thus secured the loyalty of the soldiers. The new boy didn't get this. He and his wife- like the sons of Mubarak in Egypt- thought they should be making billions out of Telecom or some such enterprise when what they needed to be doing was ensuring that the Army had a reason to stay loyal. This meant ensuring the farmers, who were the Daddies or Uncles of the soldiers, were getting enough water or were being given drought relief payments etc. It is noticeable that the Moroccan King is spending vast sums on de-salinification.  

Governments’ best people leave or are driven out.

They might contribute more in the private sector.  

Agencies’ missions are distorted and their practices corrupted.

Shut them down. They may be useless. Even if they aren't, there may be a cheaper way to do things.  

Procedures and norms are abandoned and forgotten.

Why aren't we still observing the procedures and norms of the Middle Ages?  

Civil servants, contractors, grantees, corporations, and the public are corrupted by the habit of currying favor.

This is an argument for small government. 

To say, then, that Trump lacks the temperament or attention span to be a dictator offers little comfort.

What offers no comfort at all is that only utter cretins attack Trump. This makes people think there are no good arguments against his policies.  

He is patrimonialism’s perfect organism.

Because he is protectionist. Tariffs are known to create rents and to exacerbate rent-seeking activity. This Yale educated idiot, now with the Brookings Institute, could easily link protectionism to patrimonialsm and expanded rent-seeking. But he won't do it. Is it because the Biden administration could then be attacked on the same charge?  

He recognizes no distinction between what is public and private, legal and illegal, formal and informal, national and personal.

Which is why he doesn't put on his trousers when receiving guests.  

“He can’t tell the difference between his own personal interest and the national interest, if he even understands what the national interest is,” John Bolton, who served as national security adviser in Trump’s first term, told The Bulwark.

Trump saw it was in his and the nation's interest to pump and dump Bolton.  

As one prominent Republican politician recently told me, understanding Trump is simple: “If you’re his friend, he’s your friend. If you’re not his friend, he’s not your friend.”

That was February. Now, in September, we realize Trump has no permanent friends or enemies. He has a particular theory of what will make America Great Again. To attack him, you must attack that theory even if it was endorsed 20 years ago by Bernie Sanders.  

This official chose to be Trump’s friend. Otherwise, he said, his job would be nearly impossible for the next four years.

It may become so, regardless. If, as a German Economic Institute's report suggests, Trump's trade war results in 5 percent cost push inflation and 17 percent shrinkage in exports, then markets will turn against him and he will lose the next mid-terms. Since the guy is business-savvy he is reinsuring against this in various ways- e.g. privatizing Freddie Mac & Fannie May which has monetary consequences. There is also a 'Cantillon effect' associated with Crypto. That's the kind of thing you need to keep track to prove 'patrimonialism' though this is nothing but straightforward Political Economy 101.


Patrimonialism explains what might otherwise be puzzling. Every policy the president cares about is his personal property. Trump dropped the federal prosecution of New York City Mayor Eric Adams because a pliant big-city mayor is a useful thing to have.

Or because he thought Adams might split the Democratic vote. The one type of politics Trump understands is New York politics. There is opaque stuff about which guy, irrespective of party affiliation, will push through which real estate development, which Trump made it his business to know. 

He broke with 50 years of practice by treating the Justice Department as “his personal law firm.”

Rather than the attack dog of the Dems.  

He treats the enforcement of duly enacted statutes as optional—and, what’s more, claims the authority to indemnify lawbreakers. He halted proceedings against January 6 thugs and rioters because they are on his side. His agencies screen hires for loyalty to him rather than to the Constitution.

My impression is that everybody now does so. Also if the public gets used to your firing innocent nobodies they won't turn a hair if you also fire whistle-blowers or guys who aren't satisfied with their career progression or whatever.  

In Trump’s world, federal agencies are shut down on his say-so without so much as a nod to Congress.

Which is cool, so long as his party has a majority. The question is why he has such an iron grip on his party? Patrimonialism? There are Republicans who are way way richer than him. I suppose the simplest answer is best. There is an anti-migrant & protectionist backlash amongst the great unwashed. The Party offers them Trump. Then Trump fucks up. People stop hating the Mexicans or the Chinese or whatever because they remember what happened when Trump made their Chinese trinkets or Mexican gardeners unaffordable.  

Henchmen with no statutory authority barge into agencies and take them over. A loyalist who had only ever managed two small nonprofits is chosen for the hardest management job in government. 

Ross Vought? He is a carryover from the previous Trump administration. He came in as Deputy in 2017 and ended as acting head.  

Conflicts of interest are tolerated if not outright blessed. Prosecutors and inspectors general are fired for doing their job. Thousands of civil servants are converted to employment at the president’s will. Former officials’ security protection is withdrawn because they are disloyal. The presidency itself is treated as a business opportunity.

Why is more not being made out of this? I suppose the Dems are reserving the good stuff for mid-terms. Perhaps they will start bringing this up in the Senate. Trump will need some Democratic votes there quite soon. Maybe get the Republicans to agree to some investigation they think will go nowhere but which actually implicates the First Family. I suppose, some such thing has already been discussed.  

Yet when Max Weber saw patrimonialism as obsolete in the era of the modern state, he was not daydreaming.

I don't think he thought it possible that German politics would turn into gangsterism. The Nazis made plenty shaking down Jews and so forth. But then Hindenburg, too, enriched himself unconscionably. But so did SDs caught in the Barmat scandal. I suppose the truth is, Professors like Weber were too innocent- and stupid- to understand how things work in real life.  

As Hanson and Kopstein note, “Patrimonial regimes couldn’t compete militarily or economically with states led by expert bureaucracies.”

India had the best bureaucracy in Asia in 1950. South Korea had one of the worst. Why did some Government programs- e.g. education- succeed there but not in India where the Education Ministry had excellent people both at the Centre and in the States? Indeed, why did some Princely States- by definition patrimonial- do better than directly ruled Districts under the charge of Oxbridge graduates belonging to the Indian Education Service? One answer is that the Queen could say 'I will pay poor parents so their kids can attend school'. This was pure patrimonialism. The Queen gained religious merit. The parents felt a special connection with the Divine Queen. The kids felt special and studied hard. The consequence was that Kerala had the most educated unemployed people in the country. When they got a chance to go to the Gulf and work they sent money back to their now Socialist homeland which thus began to rise in affluence. 

They still can’t. Patrimonialism suffers from two inherent and in many cases fatal shortcomings.

In 1963, the year of my birth, people thought a kid born in Egypt- which had a highly educated bureaucracy and a President committed to raising up the peasants- would be better off than a kid born in patrimonial Saudi Arabia or Oman or Kuwait or Bahrain. But not just Egyptians my age but many from oil-rich Iraq or highly civilized Damascus are now quite poor compared to those born under patrimonialism. 

The first is incompetence.

If Trump was incompetent yet nevertheless became POTUS there must have been something wrong with American Society. What was the precursor to Patrimonialism? It is that which America should get rid of. Perhaps, Jason Brennan's suggestion of an epistocracy should be implemented. Nobody should be allowed to vote till they have passed an Exam in Weberism or Rawlsism or whatever.  

“The arbitrary whims of the ruler and his personal coterie continually interfere with the regular functioning of state agencies,” write Hanson and Kopstein.

I suppose this is why they include the UK as a country where 'the state is under attack'. The idea is that politicians give big contracts to consultancies rather than seek to beef up the civil service. Do they do it on a whim or is there some sort of kick-back?  

Patrimonial regimes are “simply awful at managing any complex problem of modern governance,” they write.

Survival is a complex problem. Regimes fitting the above description would quickly go extinct.  

“At best they supply poorly functioning institutions, and at worst they actively prey on the economy.”

Do they mean South Africa? Or perhaps it is Nigeria they are thinking off. Yet the only states they mention as being under threat are White or, like India, turning the corner from Dynastic patrimonialism.  

Already, the administration seems bent on debilitating as much of the government as it can. Some examples of incompetence, such as the reported firing of staffers who safeguard nuclear weapons and prevent bird flu, would be laughable if they were not so alarming.

Downsizing Government isn't a bad thing in itself. It is likely that new Technology can replace much clerical work.  

Eventually, incompetence makes itself evident to the voting public without needing too much help from the opposition. But helping the public understand patrimonialism’s other, even greater vulnerability—corruption—requires relentless messaging.

Not really. Crying wolf merely accustoms people to the idea that there are a lot of wolves about. Crying 'were-wolf' on the other hand is effective if you have cctv footage of a dude turning into a slavering beast. My point is that just saying 'Trump is a Nazi' is not enough. You need to show that he is actively using the Time Travel machine in the basement of the White House not just to go back in time and assassinate Abraham Lincoln, but also to attend Nuremberg rallies.  

Would it help the Dems to point to corrupt acts by Trump? Not without proof. People will assume they said the same thing last time round. If nothing stuck, during Biden's years, maybe there really was no dirt on Trump. But if not then, why now? 


Even more on point is Newt Gingrich’s successful campaign to bring down Democratic House Speaker Jim Wright—a campaign that ended Wright’s career, launched Gingrich’s, and paved the way for the Republicans’ takeover of the U.S. House of Representatives in 1994. In the late 1980s, Wright was a congressional titan and Gingrich an eccentric backbencher, but Gingrich had a plan. “I’ll just keep pounding and pounding on his [Wright’s] ethics,” he said in 1987. “There comes a point where it comes together and the media takes off on it, or it dies.”

The problem here is that Biden's people- including ex-prosecutor Kamala- had 4 years to pound at Trump. If they failed it was either because Trump was clean or they were incompetent.  

Gingrich used ethics complaints and relentless public messaging (not necessarily fact-based) to brand Wright and, by implication, the Democrats as corrupt.

Wright's authoritarian style as Speaker was alienating fellow Democrats and proving an embarrassment for pork-barrel Republicans. Thus Newt could be seen as standing up for Reaganite small Government in what had once been a Democratic stronghold. When it flipped Newt became the man of the moment.  

“In virtually every speech and every interview, he attacked Wright,” John M. Barry wrote in Politico. “He told his audiences to write letters to the editor of their local newspapers, to call in on talk shows, to demand answers from their local members of Congress in public meetings. In his travels, he also sought out local political and investigative reporters or editorial writers, and urged them to look into Wright. And Gingrich routinely repeated, ‘Jim Wright is the most corrupt speaker in the 20th century.’”

He was very effective but he was making enemies. Local papers and radio stations don't attack such an important politician unless influential people from his own party permit it. Wright was being cut from the herd because the herd had started to resent him.  

Today, Gingrich’s campaign offers the Democrats a playbook.

It may offer some maverick or new-comer on the Left a playbook. David bringing down Goliath is news-worthy. Trying to do stuff out of office which you had 4 years to do in office, just looks like an old dog doing the same tricks in the vain hope of not being 'sent to live on a nice farm'.  

If they want to undermine Trump’s support, this model suggests that they should pursue a relentless, strategic, and thematic campaign branding Trump as America’s most corrupt president.

Why not do so 6 years ago? Or is it the case that he was clean in his first term but turned dirty in his second? What caused this change? The answer is obvious. Previously Putin gave him golden showers. That kept him on the straight and narrow. Then Putin became too busy with Ukraine. This is the real reason Trump tried to get Zelensky to surrender. Zelensky offered Trump a golden shower, but Trump refused. Only Putin's piss could please him. This is also the reason he embraced patrimonialism.  

Almost every development could provide fodder for such attacks, which would connect corruption not with generalities like the rule of law but with kitchen-table issues. Higher prices? Crony capitalism! Cuts to popular programs? Payoffs for Trump’s fat-cat clients! Tax cuts? A greedy raid on Social Security!

The problem here is that people don't think Trump has either friends or clients. He pumps and dumps people. But he is also a heartless bastard. He laughs heartily when he hears of the plight of deported migrants. Tell him his tariff walls or Aid cuts are causing little brown babies to die and he starts stroking himself off.  Say this, and people may believe you. But those same people may not really want more darkies on the streets. As for brown babies- there can be too much of a good thing.

The best objection to this approach (perhaps the only objection, at this point) is that the corruption charge won’t stick against Trump.

They may do. There's a Trump family crypto deal with Pakistan which could be linked to evil Muslim terrorists- maybe with suitcase nukes?- something sexy like that. 

After all, the public has been hearing about his corruption for years and has priced it in or just doesn’t care. Besides, the public believes that all politicians are corrupt anyway.

Do they believe Trump can win his trade war? Maybe they don't care. They just hate migrants and those lousy foreigners who make half the things we buy.  

But driving a strategic, coordinated message against Trump’s corruption is exactly what the opposition has not done. Instead, it has reacted to whatever is in the day’s news. By responding to daily fire drills

did he originally write 'Chinese fire drills'? You can do that now without going to jail because Trump is in the White House.  

and running in circles, it has failed to drive any message at all.

What is the Democratic message in Gaza? Does it have anything to do with what Zohran is saying? When you are out of power, you have to focus on who your party will select as its candidate. How do you fire-proof them from the crazies within your own ranks? This was a big problem for the Republicans. That's one reason they had to settle on Trump. It is obvious the man has the morals of an alley cat. The Evangelicals are content if he appoints a couple of Federalist Judges who, as actually did happen, reverse Roe v Wade.  

Also, it is not quite true that the public already knows Trump is corrupt and doesn’t care.

actually, they don't know it. They assume he has plenty of money. No doubt, he is gaining investment opportunities of various types. But that isn't the same thing as receiving bribes.  

Rather, because he seems so unfiltered, he benefits from a perception that he is authentic in a way that other politicians are not, and because he infuriates elites, he enjoys a reputation for being on the side of the common person. Breaking those perceptions can determine whether his approval rating is above 50 percent or below 40 percent, and politically speaking, that is all the difference in the world.

Not if your party is a circular firing squad. 

Do the Democrats need a positive message of their own? Sure, they should do that work.

They need it to recruit the best and brightest to campaign for the mid-term. Is there a 'Tea party' type issue here they could latch on to? I don't know enough about America to say. Still, local issues in key seats will be being identified. I'd imagine fund raising would be easy. A weakened Trump might have to do a U turn on a lot of things while also having to be a lot more obliging to donors.  

But right now, when they are out of power and Trump is the capo di tutti capi, the history of patrimonial rule suggests that their most effective approach will be hammering home the message that he is corrupt.

It may well be 'their most effective approach' because the only other approach they can take is to shit themselves and wail loudly for Mummy to come and change their nappy.  

One thing is certain: He will give them plenty to work with

Trump is a godsend for cretins who want to dash off an article about how Jean Jacques Rosseau or Confucius or Max Weber predicted that there would be a horrible President named Trump. Diderot often used to say to Jean Jacques 'Monsewer- you worry for notheeeng! Zit is impossible a Donald can become President of America. Poland maybe. You know what them Polacks be like. Zut alors!' This convinced Rousseau he was wrong. Confucius was made of sterner stuff. When Lord Buddha sidled up to him and said 'There is no Reality. There is no Past. There is no Future. Thus there can never be a Donald.' Confucius Kung Fu chopped the shit out of Buddha which is why he was reincarnated as Max Weber. Sadly, he was now as stupid as shit. That's why he wrote nonsense about about 'patrimonialism' and the desirability of a 'Caesarist' President.  

Donald Trump as a Weberian Caesar.

 In a paper published in 1989- around the time Trump first said he might run for President- Peter Baehr discussed WEBER AND WEIMAR: THE ‘REICH PRESIDENT’ PROPOSALS.

Baehr, an eminent Sociologist, begins by asking why Weber is not considered a significant political thinker. He supplies the answer himself-

Throughout his adult life Weber supported a variety of liberal-nationalist measures designed to establish and enhance Germany‘s status as a great imperial power. 

Sadly, Germany could not be a great imperial power. Thus Weber must be dismissed as a fool. The US could be a 'great imperial power'. Trump has spoken of annexing Canada and Greenland and the Panama Canal. He is demanding that Europe become part of a protectionist regime against 'BRICS' while also spending much more for rearmament. Perhaps his endgame is to expand American power using European money and troops. In domestic affairs, Trump behaves like Weber's 'Caesarist' or plebiscitary President who puts troops on the street and uses emergency powers- e.g. that of imposing tariffs- which a supine Supreme Court will rubber-stamp. His iron control of his party and the fact that they have a majority in both houses of Congress enables him to act Dictatorially. Indeed, he had said that was what he planned to do if returned to office. Currently, he is standing tall. Perhaps he will face some difficulty in the Senate but he has a lot of weapons at his disposal to gain compliance. Only if the Stock Market turns against him and cost-push inflation causes an economic contraction would his ambitions be checked such that next November, his party loses control of Congress. At that point he may become a 'lame duck' harassed by impeachment proceedings and so forth. That is also the moment of greatest danger. What if he launches a war? If he is willing to leverage America's economic might in an unprecedented manner, why not also leverage its military might- before China catches up? Just as there was a danger of militaristic dictatorship founded upon an Imperialist program in Weimar Germany (at least partly because of the nature of its Weberian Constitution ) similarly America's traditionally 'strong' Presidency poses the same risk. 

In this context it is worth looking a little closer at Baehr's essay because he asserts that the Weimar Constitution bears in some limited respects 'a recognisably Weberian stamp.' Since those limited respects have to do with Emergency powers of the President (which Trump has already asserted) Weber's thinking bears re-examination as does the extent to which Carl Schmitt built upon Hugo Preuss's work. (Preuss was the Professor/Politician who drafted the Weimar Constitution. He was close to Weber and invited him to join the Drafting Committee)

During the latter part of the War, Weber had argued that a vigorous parliamentary democracy of the British type was the model system for Germany to emulate if it were to produce the leaders of energetic intelligence necessary for national reconstruction.

This was also traditional Republican thinking. They did not believe in slavish obedience even to a Republican POTUS. Trump's iron grip on his party is something many traditional Republicans consider an aberration. Yet, Trump has prevailed. Why? Perhaps like Weber after the Great War, the Republicans despair of any other means to maintain their country's greatness or, indeed, recover that greatness in the face of China's rise and rise.  

The British parliamentary system, he maintained, had much to commend it. It served to expose and remove those politicians whose demagogy was not matched by their political judgement.

Sadly the Brexit referendum (an un-British device previously used to push through EU entry) had the effect of opening the door to demagogy. Nigel Farage is now seriously considered a future PM even though there is no evidence that he can keep in line any of the nutters who get elected on the Reform Ticket. In the case of Liz Truss, it was not Cabinet intrigue or a House of Commons rebellion which ended her short reign. It was the financial markets which decided she was a demagogue. Her reign lasted just 49 days. In the case of Trump, it may not be Congress or the Judiciary but the Financial Markets which place a check upon his vaulting ambition. The problem here is that he may have already secured economic weapons to manipulate the markets. Unlike Weimar Germany, America is very rich. There are vast sums controlled by Trusts and Private Equity mavens which can be used to support the market- if the President is unscrupulous and uses shady methods to apply pressure in the right places. 

It enabled the supervision of the leader once installed as head of the executive.

The British PM has to answer questions on everything he did during the week while Parliament is in session.  

The British parliamentary system also stood as a guardian of civil liberties (sic), offering firm resistance to imperious rule. And finally it ensured continuity and ‘the peaceful elimination of the Caesarist dictator once he has lost the trust of the masses’ (Weber, 1978, p 1452).

Britain had had one Cromwell. It decided never to go down that road again. Commissions in the Army were purchased till 1871. Nevertheless, the landed aristocracy kept a firm grip on higher offices. This could pose a problem for the Government- e.g. the 'Ulster Mutiny'- if it sought to go down too liberal a road. However, the Army was realistic. By 1922, the CIGS was announcing the 'End of Empire'. Ireland had to be freed. Egypt had to be declared independent. So too with Afghanistan. India too would have got a cosmetic type of independence had Gandhi stuck to his guns. Later Wavell- an army man- as Viceroy of India persuaded even the die-hard Tories that India had to be given up. Mountbatten- a naval man- befriended Nehru and thus Britain kept her influence in the Indian sub-continent. This pattern was repeated in Kenya. Kenyatta forgot his resentment at being imprisoned when he found he needed British military support to keep the North West Province. Malaysia had even more reason to be grateful to British soldiers who put down the Communist menace. By contrast American troops in Vietnam were useless.  

(The British system with 'first past the post) was the sort of system that Germany itself would be wise to adopt, Weber had advised. His post-war writings, in contrast, entertain few hopes of parliamentary government being able to furnish the political conditions imperative for affirmative, dynamic leadership in Germany.

Why? My thesis is that, at heart, he believed Germany had to expand to survive. Economists like J.M Keynes took this view. Keynes thought America had already become a net food importer. Britain and France would get food from their colonies. Germany would starve unless it grabbed land to its East. Caesarism was Germany's only hope. 

On the contrary, he now insisted that the ‘necessity for a leader to provide decisive political direction and a focus for national unity could ... only be met by divorcing him from Parliament and giving him a separate power base in a direct presidential election’ (Beetham, 1985, p 232)

Weber knew the British Parliament had gained strength through the 'no taxation without representation' principle. But the Kaiser's Parliament had voted for the War because taxes weren't raised. Instead Government borrowing went up. The hope was that French reparations would pay off the debt and leave a profit. 

The Republicans could be 'deficit hawks' from time to time. Indeed, some still claim to be so. Trump says he will balance the budget by the time he quits office. How? Through economic warfare. Foreigners will pay through the nose to sell in America. We can cut taxes because we will be awash with tariff revenue. The problem here is that elasticities of traded goods and services are low only in the short term. There may be a windfall gain but after that revenue dries up. All you are left with is cost-push inflation. Interestingly, China is expected to have deflation of about 2 percent while America is expected to have inflation of 5 percent. Also its exports are expected to decline by 17 percent while China's exports may take a 5 percent hit. China will have positive growth. The US won't. 

When economic warfare fails, the door is opened- if not to war then the instrumentalization of military power to extort money. But that is a slippery slope to actual war.  

The causes of this change of heart are implicit in the three main reasons Weber advanced for supporting a President of the Reich ‘elected directly by the people’ 

The US has a system of indirect election. You can win the popular vote and still lose the election. What has strengthened Trump's position is that he got more votes than Kamala. I wonder whether this was because both her parents were immigrants? Alternatively, since she was a 'diversity hire', people may have questioned her ability. 

 To begin with, only a directly elected President, Weber argued,

could do what Napoleon III did- viz make himself Emperor 

would be able to affirm the identity and unity of the infant Republic in the teeth of all those divisive interests that threatened to asphyxiate it at birth.

This was silly. German unification was popular. Separatism wasn't a big threat. Indeed Bavaria had needed Federal troops to crush the Commies and restore the elected Government. Yes, there was pushback against re-organizing the Federal units but the proposals were half-baked.  

Of these divisive forces, consider first the particularism arising from Germany’s Federal make-up. In the near future, Weber claimed, the Bundesrat (Federal Council), ‘will rise again’ and with its resurrection the demands of the Republic’s constituent states (dominated by Prussia) will come to be elevated above the national interest.

Actually the elected Government of Prussia was a bastion against the Nazis till it was dismissed. What did Weber actually mean? I think he believed that troops had been diverted from the Western Front because Prussians were such cowards that they didn't want to be occupied by Russian troops. They didn't understand that the 'National Interest' required getting French gold before worrying about Rooskis raping Prussians. 

The power of the Reichstag will decrease correspondingly - especially in its capacity to select and promote national leaders.

In other words, just as in America, where the Senate restrains the House of Representatives, there would be less adventurism by a Caesarist President. Why hadn't the US annexed Canada and Mexico and so forth? It could have used 'Negro' slave armies to do it. I suppose the answer is that Anglo-Saxons represent a decadent branch of the great Teutonic race. Those wimps even liberated their 'negro' slaves! How crazy is that? Weber had met and been impressed by WEB DuBois. Clearly, slave armies could be managed by Slave officers of intelligence and ability equal to that of Whites. Yet, America had neglected this opportunity. Why? It must be because Senators and Governors were jealous of their privileges. They feared a President who could do what he liked with a vast, slavish, Federal Army. This is why America could not fulfil the World Historical Mission of the Teutonic Race. Germany must step forward and take on the burden of the 'blonde beast'.  

Consider also the quite literal provincialism of regionally based parties that will continue to fragment the political process in Germany. And, relatedly, consider the danger posed for a weakened Germany by proportional representation.

That danger was that a two party system would fail to evolve. Parliament would be regarded as a bear garden. The power of the Chief Executive would increase.  

Such an electoral system, Weber declared, is guaranteed in postwar German conditions to transport the quest for economic advancement directly into the political arena.

The reverse was the case- as Weber's audience well knew. Poorer people would vote for the SDs. If they fucked up a Right of Centre party would take over. This gave the SDs an incentive not to fuck up and to quickly and effectively expel Bolshie nutters.  Weber's own party would either have to amalgamate with the SD or join a right-wing, Catholic/Peasant party which had a modus vivendi with Industrialists and the professional classes. But this meant an independent Central Bank and sound finances. Hyperinflation, as a way to deal with War debt, was off the table. 

Where interest groups constrain political parties to place the former’s preferred candidates at the head of the party list, parliament will: . . . become a body within which those personalities who care nothing for national politics set the tone, and who, in the nature of things, will rather act according to an ‘imperative’ mandate from those with particular economic interests.

In other words, Parliament will be a place where economic interests predominate and thus tackling actual bread & butter issues will gain salience. But this means an 'Imperial mission' would have to be justified on fiscal grounds. If the thing can't make money, don't do it. Talk of 'National Glory' is irrelevant. Fine words butter no parsnips. 

It will be a parliament of philistines

guys who worry about whether the taxpayer is getting value for money from Government spending 

- incapable of being in any sense a place where political leaders are selected

Except in the sense that sensible political leaders are selected- as happens in Anglo Saxon countries.  

(’ Only a president elected directly by the citizenry,

like Napoleon III 

that is elected ‘in a plebiscitarian way and not by parliament’, can become ‘the safety-valve of the demand for leadership’ .

Crowning yourself Emperor is a great safety valve- if you happen to be a megalomaniac or are deluded enough to think you must be a great General simply because your Uncle was.  

Only through a ‘headship of state which indubitably rests on the will of the whole people without intermediaries’  can the prospect of centrifugal politics be averted.

In other words, we must replace a less than all-powerful Kaiser with an all-powerful elected Caesar. But the word Kaiser, or Tzar, means Caesar.  

The second reason Weber campaigned for a Reich President elected by the people as a whole hinged on his assessment of Germany’s economic plight. Economic restructuring, including a dose of ‘socialization’, would be essential for Germany’s post-war financial and manufacturing recovery. It was vital that such transformation be endowed with the authority and legitimacy only a President chosen in Weber’s preferred manner could provide.

This is bizarre. It is the law which provides legitimacy. Commercial transactions burgeon where the law can be relied upon to enforce contracts and uphold property rights. The problem with Weimar's Article 153 was that it didn't uphold a fundamental right to property. Moreover it lapsed entirely in a State of Emergency. 

The President, Weber editorialized, should be no parliamentary manikin, no mere figurehead, but actually just the opposite: a democratic dictator - Weber uses the term ‘dictator’ in its quasiclassical, Roman Republican sense - helping to create the conditions in which fundamental change would be possible.

Back in August, Trump clarified an earlier remark about people wanting a Dictatorship. CNN reports- 
“The line is that I’m a dictator, but I stop crime,” Trump said during a Cabinet meeting, referring to his moves to send troops into major American cities. “So a lot of people say, ‘You know, if that’s the case, I’d rather have a dictator.’”

He later added: “Most people say … if he stops crime, he can be whatever he wants.”

The same remark might be made about the fiscal or trade deficit. If Trump can get foreigners to pay for American prosperity, people will let him do anything he likes. 

It was a point he threw like vitriol in the face of the Social Democrats,

who correspond to the Dems in the US- except that Reagan or Bush would now count as Dems in terms of their policies. Dick Cheney voted for Kamala. 

claiming, absurdly, that his prescription for the nation’s sickness was analogous to their view of the dictatorship of the proletariat: Let the Social Democrats remember that the much-discussed ‘dictatorship’ of the masses does indeed require the ‘dictator’, chosen by them, to whom they subject themselves just as long as he retains their confidence (1986, p 129).

This was nonsense. The 'vanguard' party would rule on behalf of the proletariat. If it was internally democratic (which is what all such parties claimed to be) then there was no  Dictator.  

Without a President elected by the demos, symbolising the unity of the nation, and acting accordingly, ‘the reconstruction of our economy, on whatever foundation, is impossible’ (1986, p 129).

Without Trump we can never Make America Great Again. Trump's hold on his party arises from the fact that he can win precisely because he has never held any other political job. All other contenders have a voting record or a record as Governor which can be examined. The problem is that Trump was re-elected on what people remembered of his record. The Dems seemed unable to challenge his assertion that both the economy and the International situation had been better on his watch. 

Third, Weber envisaged in a plebiscitarian presidency the institutional prerequisite, though not the guarantee, of strong, creative, personal leadership.

Trump, despite his age, seems to provide that. But then, so did Hitler.     

Bound to parliament in the selection of government ministers, the President would nonetheless remain free to formulate his own initiatives, and as the focus and representative of millions ‘would often be superior to the respective party majority in parliament, all the more superior the longer his period of office’ (1958, p 458).

In other words, you'd have an elected Kaiser. Since calling for the King to abdicate is treason, it would not be surprising if those who opposed the elected Caesar were locked up for sedition. 

Recent elections had shown, Weber declared, that the German parliamentary party response to a strong personality was overwhelmingly negative, manifesting a combination of plain ‘very petty-bourgeois hostility . . . to leaders’

Aristocrats had no problem bowing down to the Kaiser. It was only the low born artisan or school teacher or small businessman who had the vulgarity and bad taste to refuse such homage.

, and fierce resistance among entrenched party veterans to the spectre of ‘socialization’ .

for the purpose of total war to become a great Imperial power. I can imagine Trump taking over a bankrupt factory on the grounds of national security. Such things have happened in the past but were struck down by the Courts because the motive was political. But if SCOTUS backs POTUS there may be no judicial avenue of redress. 

Parliament could thus not be expected to supply the leaders Germany so urgently needed.

To be fair, there were few first rate men at that time. Rathenau was the exception. He was killed because he was a particularly able Jew. 

Americans have always been aware of the dangers posed by a Dictatorial President. In addition to the Legislature and the Judiciary, the Cabinet system and the independence of Federal Agencies could have a countervailing effect.

Past Presidents saw that it was in their own interest to have respected, highly capable, Cabinet colleagues and that independent Federal Agencies could be more effective. Surrounding yourself with a pack of yes-men can backfire. Trump may yet come a cropper because of some of his Cabinet choices. But, paradoxically, this gives his party a reason to back his extreme program. If he fails, they can distance himself from that program. They don't have to admit that they had handed their party over to a crazy man. 

No doubt, being ignorant of American politics, I am over-stating the case. One might say that Republicans had been alarmed by Ross Perot's ability to take votes from them and then had taken notice of Bernie Sander's increasing popularity on the basis of, among other things, his trying to get a law passed in 2005 opposing China's WTO membership and revoking normal tariffs on Chinese imports. Putting up Trump- who had been associated with Perot and had once been a registered Democrat- may have looked a smart move at a time when Hilary seemed unbeatable. Maybe, if Trump crashed and burned, the 'professionals' would be left in charge of the Party. Sadly, Hilary lost. The Republican Party became a hostage to the fortunes of a Wharton Class of '68 true believer in, closed economy, Keynesian. 'optimal tariff' Imperium. Suppose Trump succeeds. Then we'd be back in a Bretton Woods world of bilateral trade deals and fixed exchange rates. The Markets won't have the power to turf even a Liz Truss out of power not to speak of forcing a U turn on a future POTUS. 

Suppose Trump does a deal with Xi and both continue to reign with the applause of their grateful people. Then, what happens to parliamentary democracies? Since outcomes will depend on the ability of their leader to ingratiate himself with one or other of the two Global titans, parliamentary politics will lose salience. Is there some way that legislators across Western borders can somehow join forces to avert their own irrelevance? Sadly, this will also mean allowing markets- as much as elections- to determine outcomes. That is 'Neo-liberalism'. It is very evil. Biden had applied for gender reassignment surgery on the basis that he was heterosexual and thus his penis was an illegal weapon of Patriarchal rape. Kamala was holding his hand. Then Neo-Liberalism,  wearing a Nazi uniform, stepped into the room. It shouted 'Das ist verboten! Heterosexuelle Männer müssen ihren Penis behalten, um die Umwelt zu vergewaltigen! Sieg dem Markt!'. Biden protested that Heterosexual men don't in fact spend their time raping the Environment with their penises. Also this has nothing to with the 'victory' of the Market. Sadly, Janet Yellen confirmed that it was indeed the case that Neo-Liberalism conscripted all heterosexual penises into the laborious task of raping trees and bushes- more particularly in the Amazon forest. Biden cried and cried. Overnight, he became an old and senile man. 

(Weber) knew that a species of parliamentarian would be ‘loath to make the sacrifice of self-denial required to allow the choosing of the highest organ of the Reich to pass out’ of parliament’s hands.

He didn't know that Parliament would make Ebert president and keep extending his term till the fucker died in 1925. Only then were elections held. Hindenburg won as he would win again. One immediate effect was 'Osthilfe'- Federal handouts for Junker landlords like Hindenburg himself- which was instituted in 1926. At the end of 1932, a national scandal was created by the disclosure of the considerable corruption involved in this program. This meant Hindenburg was ready to let go of General Schleicher and make do with an Austrian Corporal. 

But he warned, ‘it must happen’:

it did happen. Hitler was the result.  

If the ministers remain strictly bound to its confidence, parliament will not have cause to regret this. For the great movement of democratic party life which develops alongside these popular elections will benefit parliament as well. A president elected by means of particular constellations and coalitions of parties is politically a dead man when these constellations shift.

Is that what is happening to Macron? Perhaps. Still, by law, he can't get another term.  

A popularly elected President as head of the executive, head of office patronage, and perhaps possessor of a delaying veto and of the authority to dissolve parliament and to call referenda, is the guarantor of true democracy, which means not feeble surrender to cliques but subjection to leaders chosen by the people themselves.

This may be what is facing America. If Trump can dismiss officials in supposedly independent Agencies and he can put troops on the streets of States run by the Democrats, what can't he do?  

I suppose, if Americans believe MAGA involves economic/military warfare and the marking out of a distinct Imperium (perhaps supplemented by annexation of strategic or resource rich territory) then it makes sense to endorse Trump as the American Caesar. 

My belief is that Weber thought Germany the choice between annexing territory or starvation. Thus he wanted a Napoleonic President.

...Weber had remarked elsewhere, speaking of Napoleon I and 111 (1978, p 1452): 
'Every kind of direct popular election of the supreme ruler and, beyond that, every kind of political power that rests on the confidence of the masses and not of parliament . . . lies on the road to these ‘pure’ forms of Caesarist acclamation'

This was nonsense save if the Caesar was a great soldier and could annex territory. Napoleon I could do so but overreached himself. Napoleon III could not. History had repeated itself as farce.  

Moreover, the President’s powers to dissolve parliament and resort to referenda display the familiar ‘Caesarist-plebiscitarian’ mechanism of legitimation. Finally, the President is a ‘dictator’, a term Weber elsewhere employs to characterise the ‘Caesarist’ leader Gladstone (1970, p 106).

Gladstone split his party over Ireland. Thus the Liberals were bound to decline while the Tories gained a fresh lease of life with the infusion of 'Unionist' Liberals. Oddly, some Unionists were won over to Protectionism. Churchill was unusual in that he went over to the Liberals on the Free Trade issue. But, after the post-War franchise extension, Labour eclipsed the Liberal party and so Winston had to return to his ancestral party. 

Was Weber's support for a Caeserist President 'Sociological' (i.e. explained by Weber's own social position and the problems his Society faced) or was it 'Political' in a pure or theoretical sense? Initially, one may say the latter was the case. But after the War, Weber, like many of his colleagues, felt a sense of desperation or doom. In considering Trump's second term- at least as it now appears- we may well ask whether Trump's supporters are motivated by a similar 'Sociological' panic rather than some more abstract motivation to do with Judicial or Administrative overreach and the entrenchment of a 'Woke' culture supporting programs the majority of Americans reject. In Europe, concern over migration has led to a feeling that laws are being misapplied.  Hans-Jurgen Papier, ex-president of Germany’s constitutional court, says that European Human Rights Rulings, ‘settle like mildew’ over states’ power. In particular, there is the feeling that Parliament has no power to curb increasing spending on things the court's have mandated but for which there is no popular support.

In Europe, 'Trumpism' may have been seen as part of the 'pushback' against Brussels represented by Brexit. But now that Trump has essentially torn up Article 5 of NATO, and proceeded to demand that Europe join him in economic warfare against 'BRICS' or 'de-dollarization', people in Europe are beginning to wonder whether Trump is the successor of Napoleon and Hitler- i.e. a 'man of destiny' who believes he is fulfilling a 'World Historical Mission' which, in its Teutonic form, is ultimately Racial and pitiless to non-European people. 

Max Weber and Hugo Preuss couldn't be sure they were paving the path to Hitler. Much must be forgiven them because they were Teutonic pedagogues teaching ignorant shite. But, we can't say this of ourselves. If we continue to support Trump it can only be because we want America's global footprint to contract both economically and diplomatically. This means no more bleating about 'regime change' or 'wars against terror' or 'Democracy Summits' and so forth. A protectionist America may well be a comfortable enough place for many people. As a country, it can afford a long spell of mellow decline. Democracy does mean the freedom to pick comfort over greatness. But what is greater yet is the comfort of claiming to be restoring your country's greatness just as you settle down for a cozy little nap.

Trump, in his own view, is replicating and recapturing the Greatness achieved in his first Presidency. Sadly, history only repeats itself as farce. What is comical is that the MAGA cap is turning into Rip Van Winkle's coonskin hat. His supporters are busy quaffing a heady liquor and lying down to sleep comfortably. When they wake up China will be greater than it has ever again. Meanwhile, parts of the US can go back to traditional occupations like squirrel hunting and sister fucking. What is vital is that J.D Vance preserve the recipe for Trump's moonshine so his hillbilly descendants too can enjoy a quiet slumber. Usha Vance, of course, will have deported herself to oblige the Donald. The only good Injun is a dead Injun unless they live in faraway India and pay a lot of money in tariffs to sell their merchandise in the ever increasingly great Trump Empire. 

Sunday, 7 September 2025

Enrique Krauze as Weberian hero

When the Great War ended, the government of the Kaiser, in Germany, collapsed because, the Army High Command under Ludendorff- the virtual dictator of the country- could not fight any longer. Thus, the Army handed power back to any Civilian who would take it so as not to itself have to shoulder the blame for either losing the war or for having to sign a humiliating peace treaty.

Ludendorff, who had escaped in disguise to Sweden, was surprised to find, on being forced by the Swedes to return to Berlin, that he was still popular with many Germans. He hoped he could regain power through a coup. But the military had no direct experience of running any civilian office.  They were used to giving orders to the bureaucrats which were unquestioningly obeyed because, de jure, the Kaiser was still the sovereign. Once the Kaiser was out of the picture, the bureaucrats had no reason to obey Army officers. Thus, the 'Kapp Putsch' failed because the administration collapsed and there was a General Strike. However, subsequent elections revealed that there was a lot of support for right-wing nationalist parties.

 This showed the Army that democracy was not necessarily their enemy. Hindenburg's personal popularity- perhaps because of his age and imposing physique- was such that, if there were an elective Presidency, he would win. Meanwhile, the question was whether the leftists would allow the Social Democrats to become a party of Governance in coalition with Farmers, Catholics, Regional parties etc. If not, the SDs would need the army and they would be eager for a modus vivendi. Otherwise, the Army would need to think about how it could create a party for itself. Thus, between the surrender of Germany and the promulgation of the Weimar Constitution, there was a period when the Army- which had tasted supreme power during the War- played a waiting game. Once extreme leftists had thrown a good scare into ordinary people, they cracked down on them. But they were also casting about for their own political vehicle. 

 A Social Democrat, by the name of Ebert, became President of the new Republic. He was a cautious man and deeply distrustful of the 'Independent' Social Democrats and various new Leftist groups. Thus he did a deal with the army- even going so far as to endorse the 'stab in the back theory' according to which the soldiers would have won if they had not been betrayed by civilians at home- and this Ebert–Groener pact gave the new Republic stability and legitimacy. In other words, the Army was available to put down Leftist uprisings in Berlin, if not everywhere else. But the price was that they retained their separate structure and organization. Would this content them? Perhaps. Civilians understand Economics and Law and Diplomacy. Let them get on with such matters. 

In Bavaria, a similar breakdown of authority- after the King released all officials from their oath of loyalty- meant that a journalist, by the name of Kurt Eisner, who had audaciously seized power, could claim to be in charge of the State. He was from the 'Independent' Social Democrat party which was far to the left of the mainstream party. The revolution, based on workers and soldiers council, spread rapidly in Bavaria and was largely peaceful but when elections were held, Eisner's party got only 3 seats out of 180. The biggest winner was the Catholic party followed by the SDs. Eisner was killed by a right-wing fanatic while on his way to submit his resignation.  A SD took over but was incompetent. It seems there was no available candidate who could hold power.

The Anarchists took advantage of the situation and forced out the moderates. But, once in power they did silly things. Then they were forced out by the Bolsheviks who did silly things. Then the 'Freikorps' (ex-servicemen) and the Army crushed the Reds. What Bavaria had witnessed was the spontaneous collapse of the old order. But the elections also showed that the vast majority of people wanted only gradual change. There was no widespread revolutionary sentiment. Once the crazy leftists had alienated everybody, the Army stepped in to crush them. In this way, the traditional chain of command was reasserting itself. 

 Max Weber witnessed some of the craziness in Munich. But he also knew what was going on in Berlin. It was obvious that the new leaders needed to proceed cautiously otherwise they would be pushed out by extremists on the Left who, themselves, would be slaughtered by the Freikorps & the Army. Thus, if you wanted to take up 'politics as a vocation', you needed to tread carefully, speak cautiously, tackle bread and butter issues, and maintain good relations with the Army. Otherwise you would be killed and your administration would vanish like a dream. It didn't matter what your 'convictions' were. To hold power, you had to do sensible things or your power would vanish. 

Did Weber say anything sensible at that juncture (or, indeed, any other time)? No. If you have universal suffrage, the vocation of a politician has to do with getting votes. Eisner hadn't gone out and made promises and kissed babies and got votes. He had talked nonsense. Once the election results were in, it became clear that only about 2 percent supported radical policies. Equally importantly, the other South German states were centralist and were opposed to any notion of secession. In other words, the man simply did not have a constituency. Neither did the Anarchists or the Communists. It may be that, initially, the Army deliberately sent a weak force to Munich so that more extreme people would take command. That way they could be sure of mopping up the real hard-core resistance. Of course, when it comes to soldiers who have spent the last 4 years fighting, a lot can remain unsaid. Explicit orders don't have to be issued. Strategic thinking has become second nature. 

On the other hand, the new political circumstances were putting many officers under mental strain of a type they were unused to. In other words, the far right harboured just as many crazy people as the left. The difference was the right-wing nutters tended to get off with lenient sentences.

The disastrous Kapp Putsch, ostensibly led by a civil servant but actually organized by a Naval officer endorsed by the Berlin military commander, showed the danger of the chain of command collapsing or of soldier being called upon to fire upon fellow soldier. More importantly, it showed that a General Strike could paralyse the administration. Ludendorff had been involved in this but, wisely, had declined to take a leadership role. He showed less wisdom three years later in the 'Beer Hall putsch'. Still Hindenburg didn't run against him in the first round of the 1925 Presidential election where the younger man got very few votes. In the second round, Hindenburg's majority wasn't that big and so he remained more of a father figure for the nation than a Chief Executive. Perhaps, people hoped, Hindenburg's age and aura would prevent any future attempts at army coups. 

What lessons can we learn from the Weimar Republic? None, unless we live in a country where the Army is itching to take over or to pursue a maximal plan of conquest. A 'Caesarian' constitution is bad for a Republic if it actually has potential Caesars who dream of invading neighbouring countries. The problem is, if the people of the country think conquest is the path to prosperity, Caesars are bound to exist. 

Writing for Project Syndicate, Enrique Krauze takes a different view

Max Weber’s Lessons for Democracies Under Siege

Weber had been invited by Prof. Hugo Preuss to join the drafting committee for the Weimar Constitution in 1918. Weber vigorously urged the case for a plebiscitary President even though he knew that Napoleon III had used this method to make himself Emperor in France. Moreover, Ebert, the Social Democrat President, was not directly elected. If his term had not been extended, he would have lost to Hindenburg, who got elected in 1925 after Ebert died. In other words, Weber helped doom Weimar by creating the possibility that a Hindenburg or a Hitler could assume supreme power and rule by decree. Still, it must be said, there was a perception that the German President was 'weak' (i.e. not executive) whereas in reality his emergency powers were exceptional. 

 Oddly, Weber had previously expressed enthusiasm for the British system. But that entailed 'first part the post' which promotes a two party system. Weimar chose proportional representation probably because Preuss & Weber's party would have got no seats under the British system. After the Kaiser abdicated, Weber lost his taste for the Westminster model. He emphasised the ' necessity for a leader to provide decisive political direction and a focus for national unity'. He believed this ' could ... only be met by divorcing him from Parliament and giving him a separate power base in a direct presidential election.' 

Weber fully understood the danger of Proportional Representation. He said Parliament would '. . . become a body within which those personalities who care nothing for national politics set the tone, and who, in the nature of things, will rather act according to an ‘imperative’ mandate from those with particular economic interests. It will be a parliament of philistines - incapable of being in any sense a place where political leaders are selected.'

Weber was not afraid to call his plebiscitary President a dictator. He wrote- 'Let the Social Democrats remember that the much-discussed ‘dictatorship’ of the masses does indeed require the ‘dictator’, chosen by them, to whom they subject themselves just as long as he retains their confidence.' 

To be fair, Weber wasn't saying that there should be no check on the power of the President. But he outlined the conditions under which the Constitution could permit a slide into totalitarian dictatorship. 

'Previously, in the authoritarian state, it was necessary to advocate the increase of the power of the parliamentary majority,

previously, people like him had wanted the Legislature to have more power so it could act as a check on the Kaiser and those he appointed. By contrast, in liberal countries, Taxation is linked to Representation. The Legislature grows used to considering how it will have to pay for any measure proposed by the Government- more particularly those with profound fiscal consequences. In Germany, the War was paid for by borrowing not taxes. Legislators preferred to buy into the fantasy that French reparations would pay off the debt rather than apply their minds to how the debt would be serviced. Had they done so, they would have foreseen the possibility of hyperinflation and tried to make the Central Bank independent. They would also have raised the tax burden progressively so as to keep the debt-servicing burden in check. If you want your country to remain liberal, you can't be too generous in your budgets. Sound finances are the key to stable governments. If Parliament has little role in deciding whether or not to go to War, there is a risk of 'Caesarism'. This is what happened in Imperial Germany. The Legislature merely voted to increase borrowing, not taxes, to finance the War. But the Army High Command (OHL) then took over all important decision making. Both the Kaiser and any Chancellor he appointed, as well as the Legislature, became irrelevant. Ludendorff even side-lined the much older Hindenburg. He was the virtual dictator of Germany. It was only when he saw defeat and the collapse of the Army was inevitable that he passed power back to the Civilians. He escaped to Sweden in disguise. However, the Swedes subsequently found him and sent him back. By then, there were many who blamed the Civilians for everything because the Army had been pushing a 'stab in the back' theory. Ludendorff hoped to return to power through the Kapp putsch or the later Munich putsch. He had gone quite mad. It was only his decisive defeat in the first round of the 1925 Presidential election which put an end to his political fantasies. He then seems to have founded a new religious sect which was as hostile to Catholics as to Jews and Freemasons. 

so that eventually the significance and thus the standing of parliament would be enhanced.

This can only be done by making the elected house of Parliament supreme- at least when it comes to 'Money Bills'. The problem is that if legislators believe a 'Caesar' can pay for a war through reparations extracted from conquered territory, they will acquiesce in that 'Caesar' taking control of every aspect of Government so as to gain that territory rather than suffer defeat- in which case taxes will have to be raised to pay off the war debt or, as happened, in Weimar Germany, hyperinflation is resorted to. 

Today the situation is that all constitutional plans have fallen victim to an almost blind faith in the infallibility and omnipotence of the majority - not the majority of the people but of the parliamentarians,

nothing wrong with that. The parliamentarians have to consider whether tax money, or money raised by selling consols, is wisely spent. The majority of the people may think the Kaiser or the Fuhrer or Il Duce is real smart and that by conquering neighbouring countries, the country will become so rich that its people won't have to pay taxes. But, if the guys they elected tell them that they have run the numbers and that defeat is more likely than victory, then the majority of the people, albeit in a sullen mood, accept that Parliament must do its job and check the vaunting ambition of the would be 'Caesar'.  

which is the opposite, but equally undemocratic, extreme.

It really isn't. I may want my Doctor to make me immortal. Instead he tells me that I have to stop smoking and drinking and eating junk food. Otherwise I will die soon. I am unhappy about this outcome but I understand that the Doctor is doing the job for which he gets paid. Similarly, members of Parliament are paid to run the numbers and reject crazy proposals even if they are very popular. 

When Weber says it is 'undemocratic' for Parliament to oppose the will of the majority of the people he is making as crude an error as I am when I demand a truly democratic Medical profession which will tell people like me that we will become healthier and gain greater longevity by smoking and drinking and eating too much. But such a Medical profession would consist only of sociopathic quacks. 

We must restrict the power of the popularly elected President as always . . . But let him be given firm ground under his feet by means of the popular election. Otherwise every time there is a parliamentary crisis - and where there are four or five parties involved these will not be infrequent - the whole edifice of the Reich will totter.'

This is exactly what happened. The S.Ds surrendered power to President Hindenburg so he could rule by decree. But he was virtually senile and had no understanding of economics. All he cared about was state assistance to Junker landlords like himself. Weber should have foreseen that Hindenburg and Ludendorff would have a political role sooner or later because they were considered great generals. Indeed, the Army was pushing the line that Germany would have won but for a civilian, possibly Jewish, 'stab in the back'. The only reason Ludendorff, rather than Hindenburg, didn't become President was that Ludendorff had gone completely mad. It is one thing to be anti-Semitic. You can't also be anti-Catholic when one third of the population is Catholic. 

It must be said that there was some push-back against Weber's 'Caesarist' President. Still the Constitution retained three Weberian features. First, the office was elective by universal suffrage. Second, the duration of the President’s tenure of office was fixed at seven years with no limits on the number of terms the President could serve. And third, the President was invested with the powers to initiate elections and referenda, so as to enable decisive action in the event of party deadlock. This was not a recipe for Democracy. It made Dictatorship all but inevitable unless the Communists formed a 'Popular Front' with the S.Ds. 

With this background information in mind, let us now return to Krause's article. 

Amid the chaos of the 1918-19 Munich Revolution, the sociologist Max Weber delivered an urgent warning about the perils of demagoguery, fanaticism, and charismatic leaders who confuse conviction with sound judgment. His words fell on deaf ears then, but they remain eerily relevant.

Ex-servicemen from the Freikorps put down the Red revolutionaries. Fine words buttered no parsnips.  

MEXICO CITY – How can one reconcile politics and ethics, or, more realistically, manage the tension between them?

Politicians gain by acting ethically when it is their duty to do so. People trust them more. If their policies are working well, they will get re-elected unless the other side has a better candidate. As in any other field, ethics is not 'in tension' with doing your job. Rather, it provides guidance. 

This the question the German sociologist Max Weber grappled with in “Politics as a Vocation,” a lecture he delivered before the Free Students’ Association on January 28, 1919, during the short-lived Munich Revolution.

In Constitutional terms, its effect was to cause increased Emergency powers for the President and reduced opposition from Bavaria to centralization and the withdrawal of 'reserved rights'. This is because the Bavarians had to call in Federal troops to crush the Reds.  

Politically, its most important result was the genesis of the Nazi party which, under Hitler, carried forward the Army's maximal program, initially with great success. Carl Schmitt's work built on that of Preuss but his theory of the total state is irrelevant. The Weimar Constitution mandated 'Führerprinzip' for dealing with 'states of exception'- i.e. Emergencies or exigent circumstances. Thus, there was no need to adopt a new Constitution to express the spirit of the Nazi State. As a matter of positive law, the Weimar Constitution was good enough for its establishment and burgeoning. I suppose it could be argued that this permitted some pushback by the judiciary against Nazi policy. But it also permitted what was seen at the 'Judges trial' at Nuremberg- viz. supposedly upright Judges being revealed to have been anything but.  

More than a century later, his essay still serves as a stark reminder of the overlapping dangers of demagoguery,

Eisner wasn't a great orator. Hitler was.  

charismatic leadership,

Weber was wrong about Eisner having any charisma or leadership qualities

and ideological fanaticism.

Confusion in Eisner case.

I have discussed Weber's essay elsewhere. If politics is your chosen vocation, identify those who are good at it and go and try to learn from them even if their policies are not to your taste. They have organizational, communicative and negotiating skills which you would do well to emulate. Vocational instruction tends to be 'on the job' instruction. It isn't theoretical. It is practical. True, on specific matters- e.g. National Accounts or Fiscal Policy- you may consult an expert or undergo a course of studies. But 'doing politics' means doing what other politicians are doing but, hopefully, doing it in a better or more appealing way. 

At the heart of Weber’s essay is a critical question: What is the ethical foundation of politics?

Politics tackles 'collective action problems'. There is a 'moral hazard' or 'agent-principal problem' such that those who get resources to tackle a common problem, behave selfishly and reward themselves while neglecting the common good. Stupidity, laziness, incompetence etc. could also be a problem.  But Germany's problem was crazy Caesarism. 

His answer lay in the now-famous contrast between the “ethics of conviction” and the “ethics of responsibility.”

There is no connection between the two things. Speaking generally, it is ethical to act according to your stated convictions. However, if you are entrusted with a particular responsibility, then your convictions are irrelevant. You must resign if you won't do what is required of you.  

While he acknowledged the moral force of the former, Weber favored the latter.

The problem is that if you are known to have certain convictions and you are entrusted with great power and responsibility, you may think that you have been given a license to act according to your own convictions. You begin to think that the  'ethics of responsibility' for everybody else entails their following your lead. The great flaw in the Weimar Constitution, which Weber is partially responsible for, was the conviction that a Caesar might be necessary to save the country. Yet there had been a Kaiser and then a General who usurped that Kaiser's authority both of whom had fucked up Germany and Europe and the old 'Classical Liberal' World Order.  The Weimar Constitution provided no defence against a repetition of this. Weber and Preuss were fortunate to die before this became obvious. 

What should have been done was to use the Army against the Reds and then the tool of 'General Strike' against the Army, till Parliament became supreme. The Army had to be reduced to obedience to Parliament. It could not have a separate existence as it had under the Kaiser. Parliament raised the taxes which paid soldiers' salaries. It should have had the whip-hand. Why didn't it? The answer was that Proportional Representation had vitiated its ability to act cohesively. Look at Macron's France at this moment. Parliament can't tackle the fiscal deficit. But neither can the President. He is now on his fifth Prime Minister in just two years. 

The problem with Professors like Preuss & Weber was that they had some complicated metaphysical notion of the State which meant they thought they could ignore empirical evidence or just plain common sense.

To him, a true “political vocation” demanded passionate commitment to a cause,

in other words you don't have to be good at the thing. You don't even have to be sane. You just need to be very passionate about some crazy shit. 

but one tempered by restraint,

don't knife people 

detachment,

don't kill yourself anytime you lose an election

and – above all – a profound sense of responsibility. Only a politician with such qualities, he argued, deserved to “put his hand on the wheel of history.”

In other words, only a deserving statesman deserves to be a statesman.  Weber missed out the only important aspect of 'politics as a vocation', viz. the identification of 'collective action problems' and organizing people to solve those problems. Weber's brother, an economist, wasn't happy with Weber's hysterical romanticism. The truth is, the fellow was a little touched in the head. He never consummated his own marriage. 

By contrast, Weber warned, the demagogues of his time embodied a dangerous tendency. “Acting under an absolute ethic,” he wrote, these leaders felt responsible “only for seeing to it that the flame of conviction is not quelched: for example, the flame of protesting against the injustices of the social order.”

Correcting injustice is a collective action problem. Good 'mechanism design' raises general purpose productivity and hence increases prosperity. An orator is only dangerous if what he is advocating is stupid. Why not try to convince him to adopt sensible policies? In any case, in politics, it is understood that you may say one thing but do another.  

If their actions do not achieve the desired end, “they will hold the world responsible, the stupidity of men, or the will of God who made them so.”

This is mere rhetoric. 

Weber likened that period’s German revolutionaries to the seventeenth-century theologians who awaited Christ’s imminent return: both exhibited an “orgiastic chiliasm” and a fervent belief in an “eschatological opening of History.” Demagogues, revolutionaries, and prophets alike proclaimed a radiant future that was always just beyond reach. To hasten its arrival, nothing seemed off-limits. But no end, however sacred, could justify ignoring the real consequences of the means.

Weber was saying- 'them Bolshies by kray kray'. This was obvious enough.  

Weber’s critique extended even to pacifists.

People like him had hoped Germany would get a lot of gold in reparations from France. Also, they'd have liked to annex Poland, Ukraine, etc.  

Since force is the inescapable and defining instrument of power, Weber cautioned against “the naiveté of believing that from good comes only good and from evil only evil.” All too often, he argued, the opposite is true, and “anyone who did not see this was a child, politically speaking.”

Actually, electing a Pacifist would have been a good idea. It would help Germany shake off pariah status more quickly.  

From that paradox, he drew a broader lesson: nowhere was the “tragic warp” of the human condition more obvious than in politics.

This was not obvious in the politics of peaceful, prosperous, countries.  

For that reason, he viewed politics as the “slow drilling of hard boards.”

 That is manual labour. Politics is about solving collective action problems. 

But while Weber did not offer prescriptions for salvation or happiness, nor did he advocate passivity, conservatism, or reactionary politics.

He advocated a Caesarian 'plebiscitary' President with the powers of a Dictator.  

Instead, he proposed a passionate yet realistic way to defend humanity’s highest values. This, for him, was the essence of the “ethics of responsibility.”

No. He talked bollocks. He was a stupid man.  

The unnamed demagogues, revolutionaries, and pacifists Weber criticized in his lecture – the standard-bearers of the “ethics of conviction” – were Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, and Kurt Eisner, leader of the Munich Revolution and then head of Bavaria’s revolutionary government. Attendees recalled Weber citing them by name, yet he omitted them from the printed version, which was published months after the revolution collapsed.

They had been killed. It was obvious that the way to deal with Bolshie nutters was to shoot them. Gassing on about the ethics or the metaphysics of this or that was utterly useless.  

Weber also left another character unnamed in his lecture: the “pure type” of politician who embodied the “ethics of responsibility.”

Weber's wife had a bit of money. Thus, he thought he could be a 'pure type' of politician. Sadly, he was as stupid as shit.  

That character was none other than Weber himself.

Weber was 54 when he delivered his Munich lecture. By then, he was widely respected as a sociologist and social philosopher, with a monumental – though still largely unpublished – body of work.

His widow felt guilty about not fucking him and spent some money publishing his shite. It was convenient, at that time, to pretend that there had been 'good' German Professors and that the Great War had been an aberration. This notion was false. The German Professor was a 'beamte'- a civil servant. He believed that if his country conquered territory from its neighbours, then he himself would be better off. After all, Germany had only been able to go on the Gold Standard after getting reparations from France.  

He had come to Munich to resume academic life after years of forced withdrawal due to a long and painful depression.

He was batshit crazy.  

His political stance at the time defied easy classification.

Verbal diarrhoea. That's the right classification.  

Like many of his contemporaries, Weber was an enthusiastic supporter of World War I. “No matter what the outcome, this war is great and wonderful,” he wrote in August 1914. Notably, his support was driven not by pan-German romanticism but by realism.

Germany really really wanted French gold and Polish land.  

According to Weber, Germany had an unavoidable geopolitical destiny: while Switzerland could be the guardian of “freedom and democracy” and of “much more intimate and eternal cultural values,” Germany had no choice but to assert its power against Tsarist Russia and Anglo-American hegemony.

It had the choice to fuck itself up. That's what it chose to do- twice.  

As the philosopher Ernst Bloch later recalled, Weber dressed in uniform every Sunday. He longed to serve at the front, but his contribution took another form: he devoted himself, with the same disciplined intensity that he put into his scholarship, to running the military hospitals in Heidelberg.

Nope. He quit after a few months. To be fair, he was mentally ill.  

Before long, however, Weber’s enthusiasm gave way to disillusionment. The Kaiser’s political, diplomatic, and military strategies struck him as not only wrong but spectacularly stupid.

Austria-Hungary was shit at fighting. It was a worthless ally. Maybe if Schlieffen had been replaced by Hindenburg the German War plan would have succeeded. The war would have been short and quite profitable. 

What he had defended as a necessary, defensive war against Russian imperialism

Germany faced no threat. 

had transformed into a reckless expansionist enterprise spearheaded by military “madmen” and their industrial allies.

The Kaiser had a direct role. Von Moltke was his appointment. Hitler was brought into politics by the Army and was originally Ludendorff's lieutenant. Their theory was that the Schlieffen Plan could have succeeded. Unfortunately, Ludendorff was completely mad. He hated Catholics as much as Jews. Thus Hitler had to take his place. But his thinking was the same as that of the 'maximalists'. Germany could occupy France and then go on the offensive in the East. What's more, people like J.M Keynes were saying Germany would starve unless it gained land to the East.  

Weber denounced Germany’s annexationist policies in Belgium and correctly predicted that submarine attacks on civilian ships would draw the United States into the war. In his view, no political leader was equal to the moment: not Kaiser Wilhelm II, whom he despised, nor the succession of chancellors who capitulated to the military’s arrogance. “There is not a single statesman, just one, to manage the situation! And to think that this man who does not exist is indispensable,” he wrote in 1915 to his old friend, the pastor and liberal politician Friedrich Naumann.

He founded the National Socialist Association and advocated German imperialism in Central Europe. This was very liberal and sweet of him. For some reason, he also supported Muslim Turks massacring Christian Armenians.  

For a time, Weber even believed that he could be such a statesman.

Because he was mad.  

In 1916, he went to Berlin to try to put his “hand on the wheel of history,” but his efforts came to nothing. Neither his forecasts of the war’s economic consequences nor his plans to act as Germany’s informal representative in Poland – granting that occupied country a measure of autonomy – received any notice. “It is highly unlikely that there is anything in it for me,” he complained. Even his most devoted friends, such as the German-Swiss psychiatrist and philosopher Karl Jaspers, worried that his political pursuits were a distraction from his academic work.

Jaspers should have tried to get him into a padded cell.  

Most of all, Weber regretted the futility of being a vicarious politician. Although he confessed to being “fed up with bursting into people’s offices to ‘do something’,” he still held onto hope: “Everyone knows that, if they need me, I will always be at hand.”

Nobody needed him.  

Politics at that time, Weber believed, had a single overriding purpose: to secure Germany’s future by pursuing peace.

Germany imposed a punitive peace treaty on the Bolsheviks at Brest Litovsk. 

But he did not support peace at any price –

the Bolsheviks did. It was a smart tactical move. Why? European peace is about 'collective security'. Wilson, a smarter Professor than Weber, knew this. If Germany could say to the Entente that it could provide troops to put down the Bolsheviks in Russia (and elsewhere- e.g. Hungary), then it could be admitted to a new 'Concert of Europe' or 'League of Nations' or whatever.  By making a separate peace, Germany had thrown away a valuable diplomatic card. Moreover, they had set the example for draconian peace treaties.  

least of all the humiliating settlement that, in his view, the pacifists were proposing.

Europe faced a collective action problem. Princes had been no good at solving it (though to be fair, people thought the war of Imperial cousins would 'be over by Christmas'). Where Princes had failed, maybe Pacifists could succeed.  

The republic, he believed, could survive only if peace preserved its dignity.

No. It could only survive if ex-servicemen shot Bolsheviks. Sadly, if some thug promoted by the Army became Chancellor, then Germany itself would only survive as a partitioned and occupied country.  

What Weber envisioned instead was a constitutional, republican alternative that rejected both pan-German militarism and social revolution.

That's what Germany got. But the Weimar Constitution was crap. Weber had envisioned shit.  

Since the Russian Revolution of 1905, and especially after the Bolsheviks took power in 1917, Weber had written extensively about socialism, dismissing it as politically and practically unworkable. He saw no plausible path by which the utopian vision of The Communist Manifesto could be realized.

Killing lots of people.  

Although politics was Weber’s secret passion, and remained so for the rest of his life, a political role continued to elude him. Unable to advise, influence, command, or directly shape events, he continued to teach while devoting himself to his monumental 1920 book Sociology of Religion.

It is stupid shit. He wasn't religious and didn't understand his subject. He was merely a pedant who repeated the absurd opinions of other pedants.  

Young people gave Weber hope, but could he provide them with clarity amid the turmoil they were living through?

No. He was ignorant and mad.  

Two years before delivering “Politics as a Vocation,” Weber presided over seminars at Lauenstein Castle in Lower Saxony

the seminars were convened by a publisher. Weber attended but was outshone by Maurenbrecher who was moving to the Right. 

that were attended by prominent writers of various political persuasions and a circle of students with liberal, socialist, and pacifist tendencies. As his wife Marianne later recounted in her comprehensive biography, those gatherings became a rehearsal for the generational conflict that would soon spill out of the lecture hall and into the streets of Munich.

Ernest Toller was present. He served for 6 days as the head of a Bavarian Revolutionary Government. If you compare the response of German intellectuals to conditions in 1917 with what Woodrow Wilson and his fellow American (and some Commonwealth) scholars were thinking, you are struck by the provinciality and ignorance of the Germans. What was the German equivalent to Wilson's 14 points? What proposals did they have for collective security? What was their Nationality doctrine? They had none.

Among the young men who attended Weber’s seminars was the intense, tormented poet and playwright Ernst Toller. A severely wounded veteran of the Great War, Toller had moved between psychiatric hospitals and prison cells on account of his pacifist militancy. His concern, as he later wrote in his memoir, went “beyond the sins of the Kaiser or electoral reform,” the topics Weber addressed. He and his comrades wanted nothing less than to “create a new world, to change the existing order, to change the hearts of men.”

He had talent. After achieving some success in America, he gave away all his money to victims of the Spanish Civil War and then hanged himself. He was Jewish.  

The students, Marianne Weber recalled, respected her husband’s “controlled ethos” and his “sober incorruptibility,” yet they bristled at “that scientific mind which was incapable of offering a simple way to solve problems and which asked itself about every ‘social ideal’ by what means and at what price it could be achieved.”

The students understood that the pedant was useless. What was needed was a Peace Proposal with broad appeal. Maybe this would permit a short term deal to get in food shipments. Some Germans were literally starving. They needed hope. 

But Weber did not despair, urging his students to “crack the hard nuts” of scientific work and pursue knowledge of themselves and the world through objective data rather than through “revelations.”

How soon before these 'students' themselves starved?  

He did not believe in social prophecy. Yet, as Marianne observed, he felt a deep kinship not with the misunderstood fathers of science but with the biblical prophet Jeremiah – a “titan of invective” who denounced his king and people alike. With no apostles at his side and no hope of success, Weber pressed on, driven only by the righteousness of his criticism. “He was enveloped,” Marianne recalled, “by the pathos of inner solitude.”

He was mad and useless. Jeremiah had a God.  

Where did this tragic realism come from?

Stupidity. He could have been a proper economist like his brother. Instead he wrote ultracrepidarian shite.  

From an early age, Weber knew he was immune to the spell and comfort of religion or its ideological substitutes.

He was not immune from the spell of his own conceit. Few people write books about the religions of countries they have never visited.  

He understood that spell well enough to make it the subject of some of his greatest works,

if by 'greatest' you mean stupid shite- sure.  

but his interests drove him in the opposite direction, toward the scientific work of demystifying the world.

Which is done by actual scientists not pedants teaching worthless, ignorant, shite.  

In Weber’s universe, there was no room for illusions or simplifications.

Yet everything he wrote was one or the other.  

His concept of “ideal types” offered a framework for understanding economic systems,

It is a simplification which can be useful. But it is a mistake to push the thing too far- e.g. assuming that workers spend all their income while capitalists save all their income. The 'marginal revolution' in Economics was a bit slow to catch on in Germany. They preferred a Historical or 'Institutionalist' approach. But it could be very misleading.  

legal institutions,

can only be understood in terms of legal concepts 

religious ethics,

which has to do with religious concepts 

and the sources of political domination.

which is the same as plain 'domination'.  

But if anything defined the human condition, it was the inevitability of conflict.

Nonsense! Conflict is rare. Collective security mechanisms make it rarer.  

Faced with this harsh and irreducible reality, Weber regarded politics as the most noble vocation, for no other pursuit touched the tragic core of life so deeply.

The tragic core of life is kids dying and their parents crying. Become a Doctor or Medical Researcher and touch that core by all means. Or, like Herbert Hoover, do Famine Relief work.  

At its highest level, political action could elevate existence itself, shaping its moral quality.

This was the hysterical, romantic, aspect of Weber his brother objected to.  

But the man who arrived in Munich in November 1918 discovered that the very students to whom he had once preached the “ethics of responsibility” at Lauenstein Castle were now following Eisner – a charismatic leader animated by the “ethics of conviction,” a demagogue drawn straight from Weber’s own pages.

He was a well-known journalist who had led a munition-worker's strike during the War and been imprisoned for it. It was possible that Bavaria could get a better deal from the victors by separating from Prussia. The problem was that he thought Germans should admit some degree of war-guilt. This made him greatly hated. I need hardly add, he was Jewish.  

The Munich Revolution unfolded from November 1918 to May 1919 in three escalating stages – social-democratic,

Independent Social Democratic- they had split from the mainstream because they were pacifist. After Eisner was killed a moderate Social Democrat held office till Toller & the anarchists chased him away. They lasted for 6 days before the Communists took over. They brought back Toller who then had to fight the moderate Social Democrat. Finally, the Freikorps put an end to this craziness. Toller had appointed a lunatic as his Foreign Minister. He declared war on Switzerland and sent telegrams to Lenin and the Pope informing them that his predecessor had decamped with the key to the Ministerial toilet.  

anarchist, and communist – before being crushed by a nationalist and antisemitic backlash that ultimately gave rise to the Nazi Party.

Bavaria had only joined Germany in 1871. Could it do better on its own? Maybe it could get together with Catholic Austria? Schemes of that type seemed feasible at that time. 

It began after Germany’s defeat in the Great War. The exaltation of 1914, the patriotic fervor, and the intoxication of promised glory had by then given way to rationing, hunger, disease, and death. Nearly two million German soldiers had been killed, with more than four million wounded and another million taken prisoner. Bolshevik Russia was already out of the war under the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and Germany’s fate now rested with France, Britain, and the US.

 They decided that Germany must remain more or less unified so ex-servicemen could put down any Bolshevik insurrection. They themselves soon got bogged down trying to help the Whites in Russia.

In Weimar, a republic was proclaimed on November 9 under the leadership of the Social Democratic Party (SPD). But parliamentary democracy was an intolerable outcome for the revolutionaries who aspired to emulate – and ultimately surpass – Lenin’s achievement.

Indeed. Russia was supposed to be backward. Germany should show the Rooskis how the thing should be done. The problem was that Army morale, and chain-of-command, had not collapsed as had happened in Russia. As in Italy, ex-servicemen would crush the Bolshevik threat.  

Uprisings soon broke out in several ports and cities.

In Berlin, Liebknecht and Luxemburg founded the Spartacus League with the goal of creating a free socialist republic. On January 15, both were murdered by soldiers loyal to Gustav Noske, whose disciplined and ferocious forces included thousands of paramilitary volunteers (Freikorps), many of them hardened veterans of Germany’s elite stormtrooper units.

Could the German Left have had a Trotsky? No. The German Army had looked after its soldiers quite well.  What about the Kiel mutiny? That was a case of Admirals wanting to attack the Brits and go down in a blaze of glory. The sailors wanted none of it. Still, that was the signal for the collapse of the old regime. My point is, a rotten government was brought down but revolutionary zeal had not infected the sailors. 

By then, however, a different kind of revolution had already prevailed in Munich. In November 1918, the Bavarian monarchy collapsed in just five days, brought down by a largely peaceful mobilization of tens of thousands of workers and soldiers. The movement was led, improbably, by Eisner – a 51-year-old Jewish intellectual and editor.

Jews would pay a high price for such antics.  

Imprisoned in early 1918 for his militant pacifism and released that October, Eisner emerged as the hero of the moment. His speeches in Munich’s squares, auditoriums, assemblies, and beer halls electrified “the masses” – a central term in both the vocabulary and vision of the revolution, though in reality those mobilized masses amounted to no more than 10% of the population.

It was enough. The question was whether Eisner's party could win a lot of seats in the election. 

On November 8, pending parliamentary elections, the Provisional National Council declared Eisner the first minister-president of the People’s State of Bavaria.

Gustav Landauer,

who was murdered in prison 

Eisner’s friend and collaborator, described him as a “modest, pure, honorable man, who has earned his living as a precarious writer” and who suddenly became “the spiritual leader of Germany by the mere fact that this courageous Jew is a man of spirit.”

He didn't lead shit. He was on his way to resign when he was killed.  

One militant worker echoed the sentiment: “He is the sword of the revolution, he has overthrown the twenty-two kingdoms of Germany, he is our brilliant leader; I will defend him to the death.”

Or till someone else kills him.  

Despite his self-deprecating sense of humor, Eisner himself adopted a messianic tone:

“The world seems torn to pieces, lost in the abyss. Suddenly, in the midst of darkness and despair, trumpets sound announcing a new world, a new humanity, a new freedom.”

It was there for the taking. Weimar Germany did indeed become more free. But it never had a plan which involved both collective security and some method to 'recycle surpluses'. What was needed was nice Wilsonian republics in a loose Zollverein type federation doing trade deals with other countries and creating common markets for coal and iron etc. together with an assurance of a stable currency so foreign investors could 'recycle surpluses'. What was not needed was crazy journalists or academics or poets babbling nonsense. 

The sudden emergence of a revolutionary government caught nearly everyone by surprise. Its impact was immediate: Eisner championed women’s suffrage and an eight-hour workday, while workers’ councils led by intellectuals rallied to his side, along with soldiers recently returned from the front.

His mistake was to mention German war-guilt openly. But this was because he had gotten it into his thick skull that there had been a conspiracy between industrialists and mad Prussian generals and that he himself had proof of this. He didn't get that the real world doesn't work that way.  

But Eisner’s government was met with fierce resistance. The centrist and conservative parties, the bureaucracy, the middle classes, the mainstream press, Catholic clergy and other religious groups (including the Jewish community), the ultra-nationalist brotherhoods, many university teachers and students, the diplomatic missions of Germany’s allies, and most Bavarian farmers all regarded the new regime as an intolerable aberration.

It lacked legitimacy because it wasn't doing the sort of routine, boring, things which legitimize authority. Still, it was an aberration. It could not last anymore than Bela Kun's regime could last.  

Almost overnight, the peaceful and cultivated Munich became a stage on which the twentieth century was rehearsing its future. Prominent intellectuals,

i.e. shitheads 

writers, and bohemians joined the government, alongside economists such as Edgar Jaffé, Lujo Brentano, and Otto Neurath, and pedagogues like F.W. Foerster, all of whom were convinced that the revolution would mark the dawn of a new era.

Intellectuals were fucking up all over Germany. It was a mistake to put a Professor in charge of drafting the new Constitution.  

The city became a crucible. Spartacist revolutionaries mingled with Lenin’s agents, while future Nazis like Rudolf Hess and Ernst Röhm cut their political teeth. Nuncio Eugenio Pacelli – the future Pope Pius XII – sent reports back to the Vatican. Writers and thinkers like Thomas and Heinrich Mann, Rainer Maria Rilke, Victor Klemperer, Martin Buber, and Lion Feuchtwanger witnessed the turmoil first hand.

It wasn't as bad as Petrograd. But no possible good could come of it.  

And on the margins, a 29-year-old failed painter

he was successful enough- probably because he had no talent 

and embittered veteran named Adolf Hitler

he was employed by the Political Wing of the German Army. It was on their orders that he first attended Nazi party meetings. 

drifted through rallies and barracks, searching for an outlet for his rage.

Nope. He was a soldier under orders to observe, report & eventually infiltrate a particular bunch of ultra-nationalists.  

Violence, however, was slow to erupt. When Weber delivered his lecture on “Politics as a Vocation” on January 28, barely 11 weeks had passed since Eisner’s rise to power.

That's enough time to make it useful to point out what 'collective action problems' politicians should be focusing on.  

The revolution was still searching for direction, and the republican order was hanging by a thread.

Governments survive by showing they are tackling collective action problems like ensuring food supply, paying wages and pensions, collecting taxes etc.  

In Weber’s view, Eisner’s government was a disaster.

It needn't have been. Germany was bureaucratic. The new politicians start by taking credit for the continued functioning of the administration. Then they find some problem they can solve- e.g. getting in food from a farming district- and trumpet this triumph till a 'feel good' factor is created.  

Before beginning his lecture, Weber declared, “This does not deserve the honorable name of revolution: it is a bloody carnival.”

He didn't like it. He said so. Fair play to him. But he didn't say anything useful either.  

Among those listening were students who would go on to leave their own mark on history:

academic history, not real history. 

the philosopher Karl Löwith; Max Horkheimer, a co-founder of the Frankfurt School;

which was stupid and useless 

and Carl Schmitt, who would become one of Nazism’s chief theoreticians.

Nonsense! The Nazis had no time for Schmitt or Heidegger.  He curried favour with them but they considered him a bourgeois opportunist. They thought he laid it on too thick. Incidentally, Schmitt drew on Preuss's work- i.e. was equally fucked in the head. 

In Munich, Weber confronted the “Aleph of the century”: a country in turmoil, a polarized and feverish city, a charismatic demagogue in decline, a weakened parliament, a revolution rushing toward its apotheosis, and a military-led nationalist backlash that was rapidly gaining momentum. He was horrified.

He would have been even more horrified by the hyperinflation Weimar would unleash.  

The convergence of historical upheaval and personal crisis gave his words the gravity of prophetic revelation.

He didn't reveal shit. Would the Lefty nutters be crushed? Yes. They were shit at fighting. What people of his class didn't expect was hyper-inflation. Others did and hoarded 'hard cash' when the Central Bank started buying it up. Since Germany funded its war effort through borrowing not income tax, it had to inflate away its debt to its own people.  

His rejection of the present mirrored his anxiety about the future, as he became convinced that the fate of Germany and Europe would be decided there and then. Distilling this moment, “Politics as a Vocation,” though intended to address immediate political circumstances, transcended its time and became a defining text of modern liberalism.

Traditionally liberal countries have 'modern liberalism' because, like everybody else, they exist in 'modern times'. Their politicians don't read stupid shite written by guys from illiberal countries.  People from traditionally authoritarian countries may hope they have achieved 'modern liberalism' but are disillusioned on this score sooner or later. 

Admonishing his young revolutionary listeners, Weber spoke as a prophet-scholar crying out in the wilderness: “Whoever seeks the salvation of his soul and that of others should not do so by the path of politics, whose tasks are very different and can only be accomplished by force.”

Some of his right-wing pals were pastors. Nothing wrong with clergymen killing Commies before Commies kill them and turn their Churches into 'Temples of Reason'.  

His critique of the “ethics of conviction”

caused him to demand that German soldiers renounce their oath of obedience? No. Don't be silly.  

was rooted in the recent outbursts of political violence:

“Are we not seeing that the Bolshevik ideologues and the Spartacists produce the same results as those of any military dictator precisely because they use this means of politics?
 

What his people were seeing was that the military commander was better at using military methods than a rabble of ideologues.  

How does the government of the councils of workers and soldiers differ from that of any ruler of the old regime if not in the person of the one who holds power and in his amateurism?

They can get rid of the leader more easily.  

How do the attacks of most representatives of (supposedly new) ethics on their adversaries differ from the attacks made by any other demagogue?”

Who gives an actual fuck?  

While the Russian Bolsheviks had won, the Spartacists in Berlin had failed in their bid for power. In Munich, however, the “amateur” Eisner stood at the helm. The “attacks” Weber mentioned were ones he had endured. On November 4, 1918, he was shouted down at a rally by two furious representatives of “the new ethics” (the literati, as he mockingly called them): the anarchist Erich Mühsam and the German-Russian Leninist Max Levien.

both were Jews.  

He exclaimed,

while shitting himself copiously?

“Will it be said that they are distinguished by their noble intention! Well, but what we are talking about here is the means used, and the adversaries being fought also claim for themselves, with total subjective honesty, the nobility of their ultimate intentions.”

Worse yet, Weber had noticed that people he didn't like used certain words like 'and' or 'the' which he himself used! What a grave injustice! 

Although he planned to write a “Sociology of Revolution” – a project he never completed – Weber used his lecture to trace what he saw as a downward spiral occurring before his eyes. Once leaders like Eisner unleash popular passions, they quickly lose control.

He had to unleash passions to become leader. After that he needed to do show he could run things better than his nearest rival.  

However noble their ideals, their actions rest on the apparatus they create, and that apparatus is composed not of pure souls but of “the red guards, the rogues, and the agitators,” who inevitably demand their rewards:

Also, if you use words like 'and' or 'the', which I use, then you really ought to say only what I tell you to say.  

“In the conditions of the modern class struggle, the leader has to offer as an internal reward the satisfaction of hatred and the desire for revenge … the need to defame the adversary and accuse him of heresy.”

This is the crux of the matter. The Kaiser hadn't taxed the rich. Now, for the proles to get what they want, taxes seem inevitable. Weber's class needed to work out a way this could be done while raising productivity. That way, higher taxes are paid from higher income.  

To the apparatchiki, external rewards meant “power, spoils, and perks.” Weber warned the Marxists in his audience, “Let us not deceive ourselves … the materialist interpretation of history is not a chariot that is taken and left at whim, and does not stop at the authors of the revolution.”

It does if they militarily defeat all comers. Napoleon did rather well out of the French Revolution.  

Aware that his young listeners would prioritize conviction over responsibility, Weber closed his lecture with a line from Goethe’s Faust: “The devil is old; grow old to understand him.”

So, Weber was a reactionary warning kids against Leftist politics. The problem is that the Constitution he helped author ensured Weimar would turn into a Dictatorship.  

His repeated references to the “demonic forces” that pervade politics were prophetic,

they were belated and otiose. The Kaiser had unleashed demonic forces. 2 million German soldiers had died. Three quarter of a million Germans starved. The interwar years were a paradise by comparison.  

as he foresaw “an Age of Reaction” settling over Europe in less than a decade. If that were to happen, his listeners’ moral aspirations – which Weber admitted he shared – would become unattainable. Germany faced not “the dawn of summer,” he predicted, but a “polar night of icy harshness and darkness.”

The odd thing is Russians were emigrating to Germany during the inter-war period. However bad it might be, it was better than back home. English homosexuals too found freedom in Weimar Berlin.  

His audience was shaken, much as Toller had been at Lauenstein. “Weber tore away all the veils of illusory thinking, and yet no one could fail to feel that at the heart of that clear mind beat a deep human earnestness,” said Löwith. But many were unwilling to abandon their illusions. Horkheimer recalled: “Everything was so precise, so scientifically austere, so free of values, that we returned home completely desolate.”

In other words, Weber was seen as giving a 'positive' (value free) account. In other words he was making a scientific prediction. His listeners didn't know he was a charlatan. 

Consider his 'three principles justifying the legitimacy of political domination of the state: traditional authority, charismatic authority, and legal authority'. At first blush they look kosher.  Yet no state's domination is actually justified or legitimated on such basis. It is justified by solving collective action problems. If it isn't doing so, it has no domination or hegemony though it may make a claim to both. It is either a failed state or a government in exile. Of course, there can be political domination without a State. Here influence or control over a collective mechanism becomes the basis of the political power of the non-State actor. Equally, you may have a government which is exercising authority but which is doing stupid shit. It isn't solving collective action problems. It is worsening the situation for its people. People may run away from it or overthrow it or simply stay and starve to death. But such a government would be described as moribund. 

The illusion lingered, but it was Weber who proved prescient, as the “carnival” had become bloody. Just three weeks after Weber’s lecture, Eisner set out for parliament to tender his resignation and was assassinated by a young aristocrat, Anton Graf von Arco auf Valley, who sought to prove his “true” German identity to the far-right nationalist Thule Society, which had rejected him because his mother was Jewish.

Things got crazier yet very quickly.  

Although Weber did not settle permanently in Munich until June 1919, he witnessed this tragedy’s opening act. 

It was a farce. 

After Eisner’s assassination, a weak Social Democratic government that included Weber’s close friends Neurath and Jaffé attempted to push through bold and original reforms.

Meaningless gesture political shite.  

But it was soon swept aside by the workers’ councils, which on April 6 announced the First Bavarian Soviet Republic – a senseless anarchist experiment that sought to remake the world in seven days. Unlike God, it lasted less than a week before it was supplanted by the openly authoritarian Second Bavarian Soviet Republic, which was crushed on May 1 by Bavarian and Prussian troops. It was in those ranks that the swastika first appeared, a dark omen of what was to come.

It was still better than what came before. Never forget, if Hitler hadn't invaded the Soviet Union, he would have died peacefully in his bed like Franco. 

The main protagonists of this drama did not survive its aftermath. Landauer, the intellectual leader of romantic anarchism, was savagely beaten with rifle butts and clubs, then murdered on May 2.

He should have explained to his assailants that what they were doing was illegal. I suppose, as an anarchist, he didn't believe in the law.  

Weber also died young.

Not young enough- alas! 

After brief and unsuccessful forays into politics, he returned to Munich in June, just as the university and the city were being overtaken by xenophobic, nationalist, militaristic, and antisemitic authorities. Casting himself as a living example of the Protestant ethic he was then studying,

he quickly died. Nothing wrong with a Protestant ethic once it is food for the worms.  

Weber threw himself back into writing and lecturing, voicing unpopular liberal opinions that earned him the unfair label of “godfather of the Soviet Republic.”

He retained influence. Many felt he had shown courage in speaking his mind when it was dangerous to do so.  

This public struggle unfolded alongside private anguish almost unbearable even for a man of Weber’s stoic temperament: the suicide of his widowed sister,

her lover left her 

who left behind four children, and his tortured love affair with Jaffé’s wife, Else

the Protestant Ethic involves fucking your friend's wife, not your own.  

– a former disciple with whom he edited the legendary Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik (“Archives for Social Science and Social Policy”).

Stupid, ignorant, shite.  

Weber was particularly incensed by the “mad anti-Semitism” that poisoned even his colleagues.

Apparently Frege shared those views. Still, it must be admitted, Jews were overrepresented amongst the Red Revolutionaries of the period. There was bound to be a reaction.  

Demonstrating his moral independence, he defended his former Jewish adversaries to such an extent that Leo Löwenthal, with Horkheimer a future founder of the Frankfurt School, called him “the great philo-Semite.”

I think this was an important factor in building Weber's reputation abroad after his death.  

True to that description, Weber successfully defended Neurath in court

he was released after the Austrian government intervened 

and did the same for Toller, arguing that “in an act of rage, God made him a politician.”

Nope. God made him mad. Then he killed himself.  

He even publicly acknowledged Eisner’s good faith and spoke in defense of several other imprisoned leaders, explaining to the judges the meaning of the “ethics of conviction.” It was for this reason that he omitted Eisner’s name from the published version of “Politics as a Vocation.”

The question was whether these people had broken any law? The King had fled. Who had jurisdiction?  

For all its idealism, the Munich Revolution confirmed Weber’s observation that “good does not follow good, but often the opposite.”

Where was the 'good'? The King had fled. Whoever ran the place competently would be doing good and good would have followed from it. But the place wasn't competently run. Moreover, the claim of German war-guilt was highly impolitic and damaging to the country more particularly because of some purported conspiracy between 'industrialists' and 'mad military men'.  

The demagogues, socialists, pacifists, anarchists, and communists leading it had committed the greatest political sin of all: ignoring reality.

Not if they were acting under orders. Don't forget, the Commies did get to rule East Germany.  The reality was Munich, at a certain period, was the cool place to be if you were a professional revolutionary. The trick was to get out before it was too late. 

As it turned out, politics was not about drafting lofty plans that overlooked practical obstacles.

Nothing wrong with engaging in that type of fantasy. Just make sure you don't get shot on the way to the office.  

The working classes were nowhere near a majority in Bavaria or Germany.

What could the Left offer the farmers? One way to find out was to see what they would be willing to barter in return for food stuffs.  

Factories, now controlled by bureaucratic and military bosses, did not embrace socialism but remained within capitalist structures.

The bought and sold things. Sad. Money is very evil.  

And not all of Eisner and Landauer’s followers were idealists like them; many quickly changed sides, seeking their “internal and external rewards” among the triumphant far-right forces. 

Who described themselves as Socialists- albeit Nationalistic ones.  

Perhaps most importantly, the revolutionaries were mistaken about their true adversary.

Hunger. Poverty. The cure was boosting productivity not talking bollocks.  

It was not the SPD, which they dismissed as timid and reformist, but the pan-German militarism that Weber foresaw and which they failed to confront.

When did Weber confront militarism? It had reached its peak during the Great War. 

Convinced that the West had entered terminal decline, the Frankfurt School’s founders escaped to the US,

which is to the West of Europe and wasn't in decline at all. This was merely a case of moving on to greener pastures as millions of German emigrants had done before them. German-Americans are the largest single ethnic group in the USA. 

where they freely built an intellectual tradition at odds with their host country’s economic order.

They taught shite to shitheads. Nobody cared.  

The revolutionaries, meanwhile, clung to the belief that the constitutional and parliamentary order Weber defended had been buried forever. But by denouncing and banning the “arch-reactionary” Weber, they cleared the way for the real reactionary: Schmitt.

Schmitt & Heidegger were spoiled Catholics and thus could be rehabilitated after the war. Weber could be associated with American Sociology which was kosher in the Fifties. But that doesn't change the fact that he was stupid.  

While Weber was right to condemn those romantic revolutionaries, he overlooked some important nuances. Eisner, for example, resembled the moderate Russian socialist Alexander Kerensky far more than Leon Trotsky.

Kerensky wanted to keep Russia in the War. Eisner was a Pacifist. There can be no comparison between them.  

Landauer, the anarchist, was a utopian mystic who detested the Marxists’ will to power.

Meaningless jibber jabber. 'Will to power' is Nietzschean shite. Marxists think the economic substructure is what matters.  

Politically, was Eisner’s pacifist stance truly so irresponsible?

Yes. He was harming his country by saying he had proof of its war-guilt.  

Had it endured, it might have softened the punitive terms of the Treaty of Versailles.

Not once there was a Red threat. The Entente wanted Freikorps to slaughter Commies wherever they reared their ugly head.  

And were Landauer’s communal experiments wholly unrealizable, at least on a modest scale? Not necessarily.

Fair point. Quite a few perfectly respectable people were caught up in the romantic spirit of the period. But the scale of communal experiments had to be very modest indeed. Generally this featured a horny bloke, a fat lady, a thin Lesbian and one or two barnyard animals. 

In his 1917 lecture “Science as a Vocation,” Weber had assumed that “enchantment” could never be restored to the disenchanted, post-Enlightenment world.

It never existed. 

Eisner and Landauer, sustained by utopian hope, nonetheless clung to it. Both embodied the “ethics of conviction” to the very end and paid the ultimate price.

You can hold onto any type of ethics without doing stupid shit which gets you killed.  

Unlike Weber, these radical leaders failed to grasp the depth of Germany’s centuries-old Jew-hatred, which would ultimately doom their political project.

Compared to Russia, Germany was a paradise for Jews.  

From the revolution’s outset, he warned Else Jaffé: “Separatism is raising its head, and it is going to embellish itself with anti-Semitism.”

i.e. those stupid Catholics are going to organize pogroms, Weber was wrong. Hitler was a Pan-Germanist.  

The most disastrous consequence of the Bavarian revolution was that it set the stage for the rise of Hitler, beginning with his arrival in Munich in November 1918.

He was a soldier till 1920. In July 1919, he was appointed Verbindungsmann (intelligence agent) of an Aufklärungskommando (reconnaissance unit) of the Reichswehr, assigned to influence other soldiers and to infiltrate the German Workers' Party

While some biographers trace his antisemitism to his Vienna years, others, like Ian Kershaw, see its origins in Munich, where he electrified the very same crowds that Eisner had stirred months before.

He was a soldier under orders when he wrote the Gemlich letter clarifying that the aim was to remove Jews- considered as a race- altogether. It must be done systematically rather than through pogroms.  

With the fascist demagogue seemingly emulating the socialist one, Weber’s theory of charisma had been grimly vindicated.

No. Mahatma Gandhi had charismatic authority. If you pissed him off he might go on a hunger strike till you relented. Hitler had you killed if you looked at him sideways. It was the night of the long knives which turned him into a Fuhrer to whom the German Army pledged loyalty. Incidentally, he killed General Schliecher & his wife. Details like that are important. 

Weber died of pneumonia in June 1920. His fury against the Treaty of Versailles and the strain of unrelenting, solitary political struggles undoubtedly deepened his exhaustion, though he never lost his resolve.

He helped sabotage the Republic.  

Having defended Germany’s fragile constitutional and parliamentary order against the frenzy of revolutionary passion and the lure of nationalist dictatorship,

He was cool with 'Dictatorship'.  

he did not live to see the diabolical extremes to which these forces went as the “polar night” he foresaw finally arrived.

If he had died in 1938 he'd probably have agreed that Hitler was God's gift to the German people.  

Just as Eisner’s assassination foreshadowed that of foreign minister Walther Rathenau in 1922,

In November 1919, Hindenburg & Ludendorff attended a court hearing on war guilt. I suppose the Army connected this with Eisner. H&L pushed the 'stab in the back' theory. But Ebert had pretty much endorsed it already. The fix was in. 

the upheavals of 1919 presaged the collapse of the Weimar Republic, itself undermined by left-wing factions whose contempt for parliamentary politics blinded them to the dangers of militarism and ultra-nationalism.

They were also blind to the fact that any program they believed in was bound to be stupid shit.  

This pattern repeated itself in Spain,

It was worse. Even the most left-wing German didn't think raping nuns was a cool way to pass the time 

where ideological hatreds and left-wing disdain for liberal democracy fractured the republic and empowered the nationalist right, culminating in Francisco Franco’s four-decade dictatorship.

Spain, like Portugal, got rid of the Monarchy and turned shittier. Franco brought it back before dying in his bed.  

Similar dynamics played out across Latin America, most notably in Chile in the 1970s.

Argentina had it worse. 

Weber’s warnings about charismatic revolutionaries and their rigid “ethics of conviction” were further vindicated by the tragic course of the Cuban Revolution.

If a country has always been a dictatorship, chances are it will remain so.  

Generations of Latin American students followed the path of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, and the outcome of this millenarian worldview remains all too evident in Cuba and Nicaragua today.

Whereas Haiti is a paradise- right? 

And the cycle has yet to run its course. Just a few years ago, it seemed unimaginable that our democracies would once again confront the forces that fractured interwar Germany.

Germany wasn't just fractured, it was partitioned for 45 post-war years. 

Yet here we are, drowning in what passes for populism.

No we aren't. Keep your wig on.  

Despite their differences, figures like US President Donald Trump,

engaged in trade war, not shooting war.  

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán,

who faces a young challenger previously with his own party 

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi,

a democrat with superb governance skills who only got the top job because Rahul Gandhi was chickenshit.  

and former Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador

who rose in the traditional ruling party. The author is Mexican and thus has his knife into Obrador and his successor. 

resemble Schmitt’s model of a dictator who understands that all politics boils down to is the friend-enemy distinction.

There is no such distinction in politics. Today's friend is tomorrow's rival or enemy. Modi has been the friend, the enemy, the friend, the enemy and is now again the friend of Nitish Kumar.  

Some countries like France, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Germany have not entirely forgotten the lessons of World War II, narrowly resisting the pull of authoritarianism.

The lesson of that war was get nukes. Lots of nukes.  

But the US – on the eve of its 250th birthday – is now in real danger of succumbing to it.

Trump may be killed by Vance. He will impose Shariah law.  

To be sure, populist leaders are not the only ones who see politics through Schmitt’s flattening, polarizing lens.

Nutters may do so. Actual politicians- popular or not- see that there are no permanent enmities or friendships.  

Many university students in the US and Europe, animated by a vaguer, less articulate version of the “ethics of conviction,” have embraced it as well.

Unless they are studying stuff which will get them well-paid jobs.  

But unlike the revolutionaries of 1919, who impatiently dismissed Weber’s warnings in pursuit of social and economic justice,

there weren't many of them to begin with and once they started getting killed, they became very thin on the ground.

young people today often conflate altruism with narcissism.

i.e. they jizz copiously while looking at themselves in the mirror and saying 'Free Palestine!' 


The youth of 1919 joined the revolution and, like Eisner and Landauer, many of them died for it. What are campus insurrectionists willing to risk? Their predecessors turned away from active politics not to shirk responsibility but to build a framework for social change.

No they didn't. After the war, we may speak of the Bad Godesberg program. Running off to America and teaching there, didn't build shit.  

By contrast, today’s student movements seem to lack any coherent utopian vision.

Utopian visions aren't coherent. That is why they can be realized nowhere.  

That said, one cause preoccupies today’s young idealists above all: Palestine.

Because Jews are involved. If they keep banging on about the Shoah, why not pretend Israel is committing genocide in Gaza?  

But too often, support for Palestinian rights gets entangled with support for Hamas and antisemitism.

It is now entangled with supporting 90 year old Abbas- the President of an imaginary State who is loathed by all of his own 'fellow citizens'.  

Just as antisemitism does not justify the carnage in Gaza, neither does the carnage in Gaza justify turning a blind eye to antisemitism or the atrocities committed by Hamas.

What does justify turning a blind eye to a thing is the fact that you can do nothing about it or that you have something better to do.  

Here lies another grim echo of 1919.

There are no such grim echoes. Germany had been ruled by Ludendorff. Would he rule it again? No. He was too crazy. Also, Weimar was playing 'extend and pretend'. Once the net inflow of foreign funds stopped (because of the Wall Street Crash) Hindenburg was bound to appoint a Chancellor who could push through the Army's maximal program. The surprise was that Corporal Hitler, not General Schleicher, became that Chancellor.  

Much like the Munich idealists, who believed their revolution would usher in an era of universal harmony and dissolve ancient hatreds, postwar Jewish generations naively hoped that the horrors of the Holocaust would overcome centuries of prejudice.

No. They went to Israel and fought Arabs. Winning wars and sending Mossad after terrorists is what helps you overcome centuries of prejudice. At one time, there was a theory that Jews were weak. Sadly, the weak get picked on.  

That hope was ultimately dashed by the hostile and violent response to Israel’s creation.

Hilarious! Jews were sitting quietly in Tel Aviv thinking the Egyptian army was coming to bring them nice pressies. They cried and cried when they discovered the Arabs wanted them gone.  

Since its founding, Israel has signed peace treaties with several Arab countries and is now pursuing a grand bargain with Saudi Arabia. But the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains ensnared in communal animosities and Schmitt’s friend-enemy dichotomy.

No. Golda Meier had good relations with some Arab leaders even if they were supposed to be at war with her country.  

All this makes clear that “Politics as a Vocation” will never lose its relevance.

Because Professors of stupid shit will always be shitheads.  

But a lot of time has passed, and liberal democracy once again finds itself under siege. I wonder: Where are today’s Weberian heroes?

Weber was his own hero. I suppose this guy is his own Weber.  

Is Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky really the only one up to the task?

If he wins- sure. If he loses, his people will label him a dirty kike who was paid billions to stab his country in the back.  

Walking the streets of Munich, I find reason for hope in the way the city acknowledges both its dreams and its nightmares, with memorials to Eisner and Landauer, as well as the Documentation Center for the History of National Socialism, which stands near the Nazi Party’s former headquarters.

Few think Germany is going to turn Nazi. It may move to the right and get tough on migrants. But, then again, it might not.  

In the aftermath of the October 7, 2023, terrorist attack, I saw people gather in Munich’s main square to listen to a troupe of Jewish singers performing in Yiddish. The moment was fleeting but powerful, a reminder that the struggle against the icy darkness of fanaticism is far from lost.

I have invited the author to India to sign nice Mexican songs. That way the icy darkness of fanaticism will be banished from the country. Modi will resign and voluntarily undergo gender reassignment surgery. He will convert to Islam and marry Field Marshall Munir. In this way Max Weber's vision of a hero imbued with the 'ethics of commitment' will at last be realized. Obrador will cry and cry.