Showing posts with label amartya sen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label amartya sen. Show all posts

Saturday, 26 September 2026

Sen's confabulated Memoir


Sen has come to believe that he knows Sanskrit.  Sadly, he remains ignorant of it but, because he has brain-washed himself, he won't look up words in the dictionary to ensure that his memory isn't playing tricks on him.

Consider the following excerpt from his memoir- 

The self-indulgence of what is called in Sanskrit smriticharan (‘the grazing of one’s own memory’)

this is a Bengali word which it would be difficult to duplicate in Sanskrit.  Ātmasmṛtivihāraḥ is what springs to mind.

may not interest others at all, who may nevertheless be curious about what actually happened and how the experiences and thoughts of another person can be understood – and shared

We may be curious about some new method of sharing experiences- e.g. by using farts rather than words-  but are are not curious at all about how Memoirs are written. Will they correspond to the facts or will there be an element of confabulation? In Sen's case, there is a bit of both. 

He tells us that, around the age of 30, on returning to India, after teaching in America and visiting other countries, he wandered through the memories of the three continents he had seen, while chewing upon this philosophical cud. 

As I found my feet in Delhi, I had time to think a little about my earlier years,

his family, being Hindu, had to flee first Buddhist Burma and then Muslim East Bengal. He had also sojourned in Britain which had ruled Bengal for almost 200 years. Sadly, the Hindu Mahatama asked the Brits to 'Quit India'.  

filled with a wide range of experiences. I decided that there were two quite different ways of thinking about the civilizations of the world.

One would say that the Brits should not have been asked to 'quit India' nor the Hindus to quit Burma or Pakistan. The other would say that this was the inevitable result of the collapse of multi-ethnic Empires and the rise of Nation States.  

One approach takes the ‘fragmentary’ perspective and sees a variety of features as manifestations of quite distinct civilizations.

For example, looking at the Flag of Pakistan and understanding that it had an Islamic civilization. If you were a kaffir, you'd better scarper sharpish.  

This approach, with the additional feature of hostility between the fragments, has come much into vogue recently, threatening a lasting ‘clash of civilizations’.

Fuck did Sen think was happening during his childhood when Bengalis kept telling the Brits to fuck the fuck off?  

The other approach is ‘inclusive’, and concentrates on looking for different manifestations of ultimately one civilization – perhaps we should call it a world civilization – which generates different flowers through an interrelated life of roots and branches.

This can be achieved under a World State or Global Empire.  

This book is not, of course, an investigation of the nature of civilization, but, as the reader will see, its sympathies are with an inclusive rather than a fragmentary understanding of what the world offers.

In other words, its 'sympathies' are with fantasy or confabulation, not reality. 

From the Crusades in the Middle Ages to the Nazi invasions in the last century, from communal clashes to battles between religious politics, there have been tussles between varying convictions, and yet there have also been forces for unity working against the clashes

No we haven't. One side won decisively. The other side lost. The Crusader States collapsed. Islamic rule was reestablished. The Nazis were defeated. Germany was occupied and 'de-Nazified'. India's communal clashes (e.g. Direct Action Day in 1946) led directly to the partition of the country. Sen's parents lost their ancestral homes.  

. We can see, if we look, how understanding can spread from one group to another and from one country to the next.

Understanding is not the problem. It is control of resources. Hitler didn't invade Poland because he was having trouble understanding what his Polish plumber was saying to him. He did so because Poland has valuable real estate.  

As we move around we cannot escape clues to broader and more integrative stories.

Fair point. Hindus of India have different languages but seem to have come together well enough. Even Bengal is now voting for the BJP.  Narendra Modi should get some credit for this 'cluee' to a broader and more integrative story. 

Our ability to learn from each other must not be underestimated.

But that learning may be accompanied with the desire to enslave the other.  

Being in reflective human company can be an enormously constructive experience. At the end of the tenth century and the beginning of the eleventh, the Iranian mathematician Al-Biruni,

He was the court astrologer of Mahmud Ghazni who invaded India, destroyed temples, and collected lots of slaves. 

For Sen, this is a 'constructive experience'.  

who spent many years in India, remarked in his book Tarikh al-Hind that learning about each other contributes both to knowledge and to peace.

i.e. the spread of Islam to the conquered country. Islam means 'peace'. Knowledge is useful to a conqueror.  

He presents a wonderful account of mathematics, astronomy, sociology, philosophy and medicine in India a thousand years ago, and also shows how human knowledge expands through friendship.

His knowledge and that of other Muslim savants before him had expanded by enslaving savants of other civilizations.  

Al-Biruni’s fondness for Indians contributed to his interest

in having Indian slaves? 

and expertise in Indian mathematics and science. This fondness did not, however, prevent him from teasing them a little. Indian mathematics is very good, Al-Biruni says, but the most unusual gift Indian intellectuals have is something quite different: it is their ability to talk eloquently on subjects about which they know absolutely nothing.

Sen knows nothing of Al-Biruni's period. He has been senilely repeating this shite for decades.  

Would I be proud of that gift if I had it? I don’t know, but perhaps I should begin by talking about things I do know.

You can't admit the truth to yourself- viz. your family had to run away from Buddhists and Muslims. Yet it is only Hindus you hate.  

This memoir is a small attempt to do just that, or at least to talk about things I have experienced, whether or not I actually know them.

What Sen experienced was the monotony of academic life on three continents over the course of seven decades.

 ‘Where do you consider to be your home?’ I was asked by a BBC interviewer in London, as we were getting ready for the recording.

Did Sen- a senior academic- feel more at home in England or America? The polite thing to say would be 'this is my second home though of course it is the little house in rural Bengal where I was born which will always bee my first and true home. 

He was looking at some kind of biography about me. ‘You have just moved from one Cambridge to another – and from Harvard to Trinity; you have lived in England for decades but you are still an Indian citizen, with – I presume – a passport full of visas. So, where’s your home?’

Do you own a house in the UK or the US? Owning property suggests permanent domicile.  

This was in 1998, just after I had rejoined Trinity College as Master (which was the occasion for the interview). ‘I feel very much at home here right now,’ I said, explaining that I had had a long association with Trinity, having been an undergraduate, a research student, a research fellow and then a teacher there.

Do you own a house there? If not, you are a bird of passage.  

But I added that I also felt much at home in our old house near Harvard Square at the other Cambridge, and I very much feel at home in India, particularly at our little house in Santiniketan where I grew up and to which I love going back regularly. ‘So,’ said the man from the BBC, ‘you have no concept of home!’

Either Sen is mis-remembering or the fellow was a cretin. Sen had a concept of home because he said he felt at home in Cambridge. Perhaps, the interviewer wanted to know whether Sen felt he was in the Indian or the English or the American intellectual tradition.  

‘On the contrary,’ I said, ‘I have more than one welcoming home, but I don’t share your idea that a home has to be exclusive.’

Plenty of people who work for the BBC have second homes. Indeed, it is not uncommon for them to have second or third families.  

The BBC interviewer looked completely unconvinced. I have experienced similar defeats in my attempts to respond to other searches for unique identification.

Sen has a unique Social Security or National Insurance number.  

‘What is your favourite food?’ they asked.

i.e. what is the supremum of your preference ordering of foods. Either this has a unique answer or Sen has been writing nonsense for seventy years. 

There can be many answers to that question, but I generally choose to mumble something like tagliolini con vongole or Szechuan duck, and of course ilish mach – what the English in India used to call ‘hilsha fish’, taking liberty with aspirates. But, I went on to explain, it has to be cooked in proper Dhaka style with ground mustard.

So, Preferences don't have a well defined extension. Thus mathematical social choice theory can have nothing to say about them. Sen has wasted his entire life.  

This kind of reply did not satisfy the questioners, who asked: ‘But which is really your favourite food?’ ‘I love them all,’ I said, ‘but I would not like to live on any one of them as my only food.’

Sen loved his first wife but then decided he loved the wife of his best friend more. Living with only one wife may not be one's preference but it is the best most of us can do.  

My interlocutors did not generally accept that they had obtained from me a reasonable answer to a good question. However, if I was lucky, I did get a polite nod in the discussion of food –  but never, ever when it came to something as serious as ‘home’. ‘Surely, you must have some particular place where you are really at home  ?’

Unless you are a 'nowhere man'. This is what Sen was. He knew little of England or America or Bengal but shuttled around the world repeating the same stupid lies decade after decade. 

 When I was born, Rabindranath persuaded my mother that it was boring to stick to well-­used names and he proposed a new name for me.  Amartya, by inference, means immortal in Sanskrit:

No. It means 'undying' or immortal in a direct manner. 

‘Martya’, which comes from mrityu (one of the several Sanskrit words for ‘death’), is the name for earth

No. That is Bhumi or Prithvi. Martyalok means 'world of mortals'.

where people die, and ‘Amartya’ is someone from a place where people do not die – presumably heaven.

Heaven is where you go after you die, if you've been good. In the Vedas the term Amartya is often paired with Vaishvanara- the Cosmic Man, identified with Agni, the sacred Fire- and the Vaishvanara Vidya, a mystic practice described in the Chandogya Upanishad whereby the devout perceive the entire cosmos as their own physical body and sees the universal self in all things.

I have had to explain this grandiose meaning of the name to many people, but I preferred its more literal – and perhaps more spooky – meaning: ‘unearthly’.

It doesn't mean that. It just means immortal. What is interesting that Sen equates death with what has a place on earth- like one's childhood home- and what is immortal as having no place on earth whatsoever. Perhaps this is the trauma of the refugee he carries with him in exile from his ancestral home in Dacca. 

Alternatively, it may be that Sen thought of himself as a very special little boy. Elsewhere in his memoir, he says he was offered a job at the FAO in 1958. He doesn't say 'my relative B.R Sen was appointed head of the FAO in 1956. Either he is suppressing relevant information or he doesn't seem to have 'connected the dots'. The thing must have been a coincidence- right?

Sen is curiously naive. He says he had relatives who were under 'preventive detention'. He doesn't understand that, by 1938, only those disliked by the elected Bengali adminstration were held in that manner. Even hardened revolutionaries were released- provided they weren't against the ruling coalition.

Sen is also unaware of the rampant corruption which led to diversion of food from the public distribution system. This is what determined who starved and who got fed. 

I think I was nine in the spring of 1943, when the famine began.

Because of the  fungal crop disease (epiphytotic) that devastated winter rice yields in 1942. 

It finished by the time I was just turning ten, in November. Yes, there were a number of striking aspects of that. One was, of course, I had never seen people dying in such numbers.

Because this was the first food availability deficit under an elected Bengali administration. If the Brits had been running things, excess mortality would have been much less.  

I had not, in fact, even seen people dying anyway. But then in 1943, I suddenly saw hundreds of thousands of people starving and dying. It was naturally a remarkable and a harrowing experience. It seemed incredible that there could be no way of saving them.

It is remarkable that Sen didn't know about the corruption of Suhrawardy & the Ispahani business house. His daddy and his uncles certainly knew the score. Everybody did. 

Second, as you say, I was struck by the fact that while so many people—what seemed like millions of people—were roaming the streets, and falling, and perishing, I did not know anyone whatsoever among my circle of friends, or in the school, or anyone connected with the family in any way, who had the slightest difficulty living on.

His grandfather was a judge. His dad was a Professor who did his PhD in London. These were affluent people. 

So I was struck by the divisiveness of society—its class character—

religious character. That's why his family ran away from East Bengal.  

and the extreme contrast between some people not being able to afford food at all to survive while others were not having any difficulty at all.

This was like the extreme contrast between guys who owned a dozen palaces and other guys who slept on the pavement.  

I was beginning to understand a little about class divisions. And it wasn’t class only, in the very broad sense. The divisions were much more detailed and more fine, linked to occupation groups and locations and so on.

But, in the end, only religion mattered.  

So later, many years later when I would study famines, that elementary understanding played a big part: that class and occupation groups had to be linked firmly to what one is trying to explain.

The police and the army and the bureaucrats will get fed. Those whose occupations have disappeared- e.g. agricultural labourers at a time when the harvest has been spoiled- may starve unless the Public Distribution System isn't corrupt.  

Also, there was the oddity of the extreme suddenness of the famine.

How could a kid living in rural Birbhum have not known about the fungal disease that destroyed the harvest? I suppose, the grown-ups didn't talk about such things in front of the kids.  

That was a big surprise. Nothing was being reported, and there were very little discussion of any kind of storm that was coming.

You don't need to read newspapers to know that the farmers in your neighborhood have lost their crop.  

Because of censorship that the Raj had imposed over those years,

But it was Fazl ul Haq & then (in April 1943) Nazimuddin who was Home Minister (and Premier). It was they who decided what could be printed and who should be locked up. There were some exceptions, Fazl could protect Sarat Chandra Bose for almost a year and after his brother escaped but as the War situation worsened, he could not prevent his arrest even though he had been appointed as a Minister. 

connected mainly with the war, the Indian newspapers were not allowed to print anything disparaging about the Raj which could inflame criticism.

But it was Bengalis who decided what was disparaging.  

But the main English paper in Calcutta, The Statesman, a distinguished daily then,

owned by a British firm which got contracts from the Govt. of Bengal.  

was left uncensored. It was a British-owned paper, edited by an Englishman called Ian Stephens, who later was a Fellow at Kings, whom I came to know—much later—quite well.

Stephens, in his book 'Monsoon mornings' reveals that he was putting the blame on Civil Servants in Delhi (who had no power over food) while praising Suhrawardy thus pleasing his pay-masters. He also says he was angry that 'Authority' had requisitioned his air-conditioner for use in an Army VD facility!

But at that time, I didn’t even know who the editor of that newspaper was. Ian Stephens initially toed the line in not reporting anything much on the famine. The justification was that the Japanese were in Burma and the war was going on, and they did not want to do anything which would undermine the war effort.

Stephens didn't want to get knifed by one of Suhrawardy's goons if he exposed his corruption.  

But it also meant, of course, little notice was taken of—and nothing much was done to save—the millions who perished. But eventually, Ian Stephens could not keep himself silent any longer. This was in October, by which time the famine had gone on for many months. On October 14 and 16 of 1943, The Statesman published agonizing reports and stinging editorials on governmental policy.

Blaming Delhi, not Nazimuddin & Suhrawardy! But the reason Stephens waited till October was because Linlithgow had gone. Wavell was the new Viceroy. Only the army could override the corrupt Bengali administration. 

This, of course, immediately got the attention of Parliament, in Britain, in London.

They didn't matter. What mattered was that Wavell took office on October 1.  

Within a few weeks, relief began.

The Managing Agencies (British conglomerates) wanted the Army to put an end to a problem which was affecting their own productivity.  

And within a month the famine was over. The experience brought out clearly the power of the press, and why public discussion is an enormously important way of promoting justice in the world.

Stephens, like his predecessor, was sacked the moment the new elected government took a dislike to his views.  

The idea is not, of course, unrelated to what the UN stands for. That is, if the newspapers in the developed countries took greater interest in what is going on in the developing countries, there might be more involvement.

Or less. There was 'compassion fatigue' with respect to the 1974 Bangladesh famine though earlier there had been a 'concert for Bangladesh'.  

Why is Bangladesh no longer vulnerable to famine? The answer is it boosted agricultural production four fold while achieving demographic transition by getting rural women into factory dormitories. It must be said, Bengali Muslims show none of the blinkered stupidity of their buddhijivi cousins.

Sen writes of his friendship with Aung San Suu Kyi but is sharp in his condemnation of her.

Suu Kyi

who was a Burman nationalist like her father 

eventually won a victory over the military in 2010 when she was granted a highly constrained but still substantial role in the political leadership of the country.

There was a chance the Army would gradually give her some real power. But, once the West turned against her, she was no use to them. I think sanctions against particular Army officers pushed the country toward civil war.  

However, her problems went on increasing, as did those of others in Burma whose misfortunes she perhaps could not – certainly did not – relieve. Indeed, something went terribly wrong in Suu Kyi’s leadership,

she wasn't the leader. Also, as a Burman nationalist, she was sticking with her father's (and the army's) Burmese nationalist line. Sen doesn't seem to understand that the lady was a nationalist just as Indira Gandhi was a nationalist and Srimao Bandarnaike was a nationalist and Benazir Bhutto was a Nationalist. Also, if he likes Bengali speaking Muslims so much, why does he not move to Bangladesh? That is his ancestral home. The truth is, ethnic cleansing in the region is a two way street.  

reflected particularly in her unwillingness to help a vulnerable minority community in Burma: the Rohingyas, a Bengali-­speaking Muslim minority group.

That vulnerable group has no problem raping and killing Hindus- who are even more vulnerable. The sad thing is that Sen has lived long enough to see the BJP come to power in Calcatta while the Islamist BNP rules in Dacca. Whatever illusions he may have had, nobody now shares them. 

Who had been excluded from the list of indigenous people in the 1948 nationality law. They would meet the same fate as other Indians even if their residence in Burma had been longer. I suppose the best solution would have been to exchange populations with the Chittagong Hill Tracts.  

Her treatment of other minority groups, of which Burma has many, was not exemplary either. Terrible barbarities committed against the Rohingya community by the military and also by intolerant Buddhist activists have not – at least so far – moved her to do anything substantial to help the victims.

She had no power to do anything for anybody. Sen does not mention the killing of Bengali Hindus by Rohingya Muslims and the forcible abduction of conversion of the better looking women. 

If there is a puzzle about Suu Kyi,

there is a puzzle about Nehru. Why did he preside over the ethnic cleansing of Muslims in Delhi itself despite being the Prime Minister? 

But there is even greater puzzle as to why Amartya Sen did not chop off his own dick even though dicks cause RAPE! Also its totes unfair that women have to sit down to pee.  

there is a greater enigma that is even harder to understand, which is particularly disturbing for me: that the Burmese, whose kindness impressed me so much as a young boy, seem to have turned brutally hostile to the Rohingyas,

just as the Muslim Bengalis turned brutally hostile to the Hindus  

who have had to endure barbarities, torture and murder in an organized pogrom.

The Pakistani Army did a lot organised rape and killing in Bangladesh. That didn't puzzle anybody.  

Aside from being hugely saddened by these events, I also had to question whether my memory of the natural kindness and the outstanding warmth of the Burmese had all been an illusion.

Everything in Sen's life was and is an illusion.  

But other observers also had an impression similar to mine of the warm and kindly Burmese. A friend – a dedicated backpack medic from Johns Hopkins, Adam Richards – who worked hard to help those Burmese without health care has written: they are ‘constantly laughing, constantly singing and smiling. To see their dedication and their humor, in the face of all this adversity is truly inspiring.’ These and other accounts chime well with the inexperienced and primitive admiration for the Burmese that I had developed as a young boy. This inevitably makes me ask the question: what has changed?

Perhaps the guys singing and laughing weren't the guys who did the killing. There is such a thing as specialization and the divison of labour.  

I can only speculate. What seems to have made the critical difference is the intense propaganda against the Muslim Rohingyas that the military has systematically carried out over recent years.

Did Amnesty International do propaganda against them? It is they who report the Rohingya killing of Hindus. The truth is that a previous Saudi King had given refuge to some Rohingyas who became radicalised. That's why Sheikh Hasina's Bangladesh was wary of them. 

The gentle Burmese my family and I knew

were dead or in their eighties 

have been trained to become violent haters,

Who trained the people who chased Sen's family out of their ancetral East Bengal? Was it the Muslim League?

and in that conversion the military has played a critically influential role – by poisoning people’s minds and using well-­organized racist propaganda and strong-­armed bigotry to induce torturing and killing.

The military was the creation of Aung San. He was a Buddhist. He didn't like Muslims, Christians or even Hindus.  

There is, in fact, a global lesson here in the possibility of transforming a gentle population.

This is a fantasy of Sen. The fact is India's partition involved great brutality. Who 'transformed' gentle populations? I suppose what Sen means is 'Muslims are violent. That's why there were riots at Partition. But Buddhists are non-violent- right?' Wrong. The reason Burma is Buddhist to the extent that it is is because Burmese people are very good at fighting.  

The power of such propaganda can be seen not just in Burma, but in many countries in the world today. What is happening in Burma (or Myanmar, as it is now called, a name championed by the military) is, of course, particularly barbaric, but the effectiveness of agitations against particular minority groups can be seen in many countries in the world – for example against immigrants in Hungary, or the gay community in Poland, or against Gypsies nearly everywhere in Europe.

Sen is not aware that all these things were much greater what he was young.  

There is a lesson here which is peculiarly important today in formerly secular India:

It was so Secular, when Nehru took power, that the Muslim population of Delhi fell from one third to five percent.  

the religious extremists have been very dedicated – even through governmental policy – in undermining inter-­community relations and in threatening the human rights of Muslim minorities

Nehru took away citizenship from Muslims who had fled across the border in panic. That's one reason why he was the supreme Hindu leader while he lived. 

Wednesday, 9 September 2026

Amartya Sen's stupid 'Description as Choice'.

I got a degree in 'Analytical & Descriptive Econ' at the LSE in 1982. It was explained to me that Descriptive Econ was like Accountancy. You have to give a true and fair view based on pre-specified objective criteria. If you are in Advertising or Marketing, you can select things to highlight in a subjective manner. But you can't do that as a Descriptive Economist or Accountant. 

Police officers are trained in observation. They are required to give a description of suspects. They do so by mentioning height, weight, build, colour of eyes etc. They are discouraged from saying things like 'what I choose to remember about the suspect was his air of elegant weariness. More than that, I can not say.' 

Analytical Econ, by contrast was about creating a Structural Causal Model and seeing how well it fits a particular data set. Again, if your purpose is alethic rather than polemical, there can be no question of subjective choice or whim or fancy regarding what observations you select and what you discard. 

A description of a sick man- or a society suffering some calamity- may move us to pity or anger at injustice. A completely fabricated and false description may be more effective, as propaganda, than alethic description. But stupid lies aren't 'descriptions'. They are crazy fantasies which only a fool would give credence to.

On the basis of a description, a diagnosis can be made and a prescription applied.  If the prescription succeeds completely, it may be that only one fact in the description was relevant. A description which omitted it would be useless. But, a description which hightlighs it and omits other things might still be acceptable. 

Positive Economics is Analytical. Descriptions of an economic situation may lead to the adpotion of a Structural Causal Model capable of diagnosing, prescribing or making testable predictions. However, the Model may not itself utilize or contain any information arising from the description. 

Consider the Marxist description of the Economy as involving Employers creating profit or surplus value by forcing workers to put in longer hours. It is false. However, it is true that 'capacity utilization' is linked to profit. But this 'analysis' (based on a false description) is highly mischievous. During the Great Depression, it would say 'reduce the power of Trade Unions so that money wages can fall and increased surplus value can be extracted.' But this would also be the recommendation of the believer's in Say's law! They would say, prices have to fall to compensate for the exogenous money supply shock. Trade Unions are evil because they create 'downward stickiness of wages'. 

Descriptively, this may have some truth though there is a wider problem of administered pricing, however, analytically, the thing was garbage because lowering all prices (including re-writing all rental agreements etc) wasn't feasible within a reasonable time-scale. 

Once re-armament started,there was increased capacity utilization but it went hand in hand with either  'repressed inflation' (i.e. longer queues & smaller rations) or hyperinflation unless a capital levy was politically feasible. Interestingly, two types of 'description'- one Marxian (about pressure to work longer hours) and one Keynesian (about aggregate demand & capacity utilization)- could happily coexist. This was because employers genuinely want to get more work out of those they pay (even if they are charitable institutions). Moreover, in making capacity utilitzation decisions, enterprises genuinely do look at aggregate demand. 

However, the analytical theory that sat on top of this dual descriptive econ broke down once the Phillips Curve started to shift or break down altogether. This was no great scandal for Econ because better descriptions supporting better analysis was possible through 'micro-foundations of Macro'. On the other hand, increased financialization meant that smart Economists got rich in the City. The Cloister contained the cretinous. 

Since very stupid and useless people like scolding, Normative Economics- which involves condemning or praising states of the world- got a boost around this time. 

Since scolding, ideally, applies to actual, observable behaviour, Normative Econ is linked to description in a direct manner which is not the case with Positive Economics. Sadly, no alethic descriptive econ supports any normative analysis. Thus paranoid fantasy has replaced 'descriptive economics'. 

 Still, speaking generally, a normative approach would prefer to rely on alethic, or plausibly alethic, descriptive statements- e.g. Capitalism caused 10.3 billion workers to starve to death as is recorded in the Census- rather than obviously crazy lies- e.g. Capitalism caused 10.3 billion workers to be sodomized to death by my Mum. Fuck you Mummy! Fuck you very much!

However, this is not a really important point. Normative Economists are perfectly comfortable repeating any type of lies. Since their purpose is to scold, they don't care that their work has no predictive power. It must be said, this is not a choice on their part. It is a pathology. They are stupid and useless & thus their purpose in life is to make a nuisance of themselves. 

In a 1980 paper, Amartya Sen wrote of 'Description as Choice'

Like much of his work, it was based on the logical fallacy of treating a predicate (a property, attribute, or description) as if it were a concrete object or an independent entity. This  is known as the fallacy of reification (also called hypostatization, the fallacy of misplaced concreteness, or concretism).

To compound the fallacy, Sen continually uses the word 'description' to refer to things which aren't descriptions at all.

In other words, his essay is vitiated by logical errors & sheer ignorance or wilful defiance of the rules of the English language. 

Bertrand Russell distinguished between 'Knowledge by Acquaintance' -  direct, sensory awareness of things- and 'Knowledge by Description'- indirect knowledge gained through conceptual descriptions.

Where knowledge is direct or immediate, scope for choice exists. Where it is indirect or 'by Description', such is not the case.  We may say that choices are made while describing a thing. But unless those choices render the description useless for conveying knowledge, no great scope for choice exists.

A quite separate point has to do with the Watanabe ugly duckling theorem which, in 1969, showed that statistical classification can't be free of bias. But this does not mean any honest, alethic, work in Statistics is based on giving free rein to subjective choice. 

The truth is no description, properly so called, is based on Choice. We may say there is a bias- but that is a pathology just like having cancer. No one chooses to have it. Moreover, it may be amenable to amelioration. 

DESCRIPTION is sometimes contrasted with prescription,

The description of a disease is different from the prescription for it. I can give a good description of my symptoms to my Doctor. I can't give myself the same prescription as he gives me because I lack medical training.  

and at other times with prediction.

A prediction may be based on a description. But they are entirely different things. Because of 'multiple realisability' the prediction may be the same for things which have very different descriptions.  

While the former differentiates descriptive statements from value judgments and imperatives,

It does not do so.  A prescription is not a value judgment if it is protocol bound & based on purely alethic propositions. Thus a Doctor who prescribes the correct medicine to me is not making the value-judgment that I should continue to live. He is merely doing his duty which has been specified in wholly positive, not normative, terms.  

the latter differentiates it from predictive statements.

There is no need to do so. If two people  jump off a cliff, we predict both will die even if their physical description are very different  

Philosophical discussions in the social sciences have tended to concentrate on prescriptive and predictive exercises, and as a consequence the methodological issues involved in description have remained largely unexplored.

Not all philosophical discussions are foolish. Social Sciences make progress when their methodology improves such that better observations are made possible and thus better descriptions become available. Sometimes such methodological improvements involve 'open questions' in Math and thus the subject is intrinsically philosophical (till some advance in STEM subjects closes the question).  

The object of this paper is to take up some of these issues. Boundaries are not always clear-cut between prescription and description,

They always are. No doubt, one may disguise the one as the other so as to give or avoid offence. Thus I I would say to Prof. Sen 'you are looking peaky. Do dine heartily on dog turds tonight so as to return to your usual ruddy good health.' This is neither a description nor a prescription. It is an insult. The suggestion is that Sen eagerly devours what emerges from the backsides of bow-wows.  

... I believe that boundary questions are sometimes taken to be more important than they are.

Observing boundaries lessens pointless conflict. That's important.  

Intellectual interest in these issues may distract attention from the fact that imprecision of boundaries can still leave vast regions without ambiguity.

That is wholly irrelevant.  

It is indeed possible to say a good deal about China and India without asserting that there are no ambiguities as to where the boundary between the two countries lies. 

Yet, it is only because there is an ambiguity regarding boundaries that both countries have squandered a lot of blood and treasure. The 1962 war had a disastrous impact on the Indian 5 year plan- as Sen knows very well.  

It is fair to say that description as an intellectual activity is typically not regarded as very challenging. To characterize a work in the social sciences as “purely descriptive’ would not normally be regarded as high praise.

Whereas Sen-tentious shite received high praise because he was a brown monkey.  

The reason for this—at least in part—must rest in the idea that description is largely a matter of mere observation and reporting, or reading other people’s reports and summarising—at best systematizing. Whether a descriptive statement is acceptable could be thought to be dependent on its correctness, and that could be resolved simply by observing. I would like to begin with what I think is a moderate claim, reserving the right to be controversial later on. Description isn’t just observing and reporting; it involves the exercise—possibly difficult—of selection.

Not to the diligent describer. They mention the thing because they believe it has objective salience. They may be wrong.  

For example, in judging F. M. Eden’s 1797 study The State of the Poor, or Frederich Engel’s The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844, or John and Barbara Hammonds’ The Village Labourer 1760-1832, a good deal more is involved than just checking the truth of the individual facts recorded.

That is all that is involved. Liking of disliking a thing is a matter quite separate from judging a descriptive work on the basis of its degree of accuracy and completeness.  

In fact, description can be characterized as choosing from the set of possibly true statements a subset on grounds of their relevance.

It is possibly true that Sen looks peaky. It is also possibly true that he likes eating dog turds. But my statement that Sen is looking peaky because he hasn't eaten enough dog turds is not descriptive. It is insulting. It is defamatory. Why? 

 'Possibly true' isn't enough. Verification of truth is required though one can specify that one's description is partial. 

Moreover, a description can be given by a policeman or Auditor in which no personal discretion or choice was involved in the gaining or information under pre-specified rubrics. 

Truth is—at best—a necessary but not sufficient condition for good description.
In philosophical logic, a slingshot argument is one of a group of arguments claiming to show that all true sentences stand for the same thing. We can't be sure there are any necessary or sufficient conditions on any true sentence (because it may be the same as all other true sentences). 
It is perhaps not an exaggeration to say that any conscious act of description contains some theory—usually implicit—about the relative importance of the various statements dealing with the subject matter. I shall call this the “choice basis of description’’.

One could equally say that one has no choice regarding one's biases. They are the cross you must bear.  

I might add in passing that recent developments in formal choice theory can be fruitfully used for studying the regularities of description, but I shall not pursue this suggestion in this lecture.’

Formal choice theory was nonsense. Either there is a choice sequence of a Brouwerian type or there is no actual choice.  

3 A description can be accurate without being a good description.

No. 

It could be unhelpful, even useless.

In which case it is not a description at all.  

We question the expert on the level of factory wages in India.

This is described by a statistical curve.  

He answers: “Oh, it varies from place to place.’

He has not given you the description you asked for.  

True enough, of course. We ask for more description, demanding precision. The expert now goes into details. ‘““The integer approximation of the national average wage in rupees,” he says, “‘is a prime number’’.

It isn't. That's just a lie.  

I won’t belabour the point further.

You haven't made any point whatsoever.  

 Your child asks you: “How large is China?’’, and you reply:

Geographically, it is three times the size of India and about the same size as the US.  

‘““Very large—it has 900 million people”.

Your child didn't ask you the size of China's population.  

Insofar as truth is a necessary condition of good description,

Accountants speak of 'materiality'. You can ignore stuff which doesn't materially alter the picture. Sen wouldn't have been such a fool if he had studied a bit of Accountancy.  

the concept of truth must be a broad one.

No. It must be utilitarian.  

The second problem is, I think, a good deal more complex. Description may have objectives the pursuit of which can be helped by departures from truth—even in the broad sense.

No. Models can ignore aspects of reality, or even falsify them. What matters is whether they produce good predictions.  

Milton Friedman (1953), in particular, has argued powerfully in favour of departing from truth in describing reality in the context of economic models, judging the merits of the assumptions not in terms of accuracy but in the light of their predictive usefulness.

This is Instrumentalism. Forecasting is separate from Analytical & Descriptive Econ.

I shall have something to say presently on Friedman’s methodological observations, and on Paul Samuelson’s critique of Friedman and the “F-twist’”

i.e. Friedman saying Positivism is about predictions not verisimiltude.  

but at this stage I would simply note that Friedman has drawn our attention to the important possibility that an unrealistic assumption giving an inaccurate description may nevertheless be a useful one for the purpose for which the description is intended.

No. Description is completely separate. I predict that Miss Smith will die because she is on a plane which is currently crashing into the Arctic Ocean. You ask me if Miss Smith is a blonde or brunette. I don't know. I haven't seen her. All I know is that she is on the doomed plane. 

Friedman was saying 'inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon'. Others were saying 'but my country is structurally different from any country you have studied! How can the outcome be the same?' Friedman would reply, 'for the same reason that Miss Smith will die whether on not she is a blonde.'  

Friedman restricts his attention to predictive usefulness only, but the point can be generalized, and objectives other than predictive success might also lead to a case for departing from the truth. Examples can be constructed such that truth of descriptions conflicts with usefulness for prescriptive exercises, or even for communication.

e.g. my description of Sen as looking peaky because he hasn't noshed on dog turds.  

4 A distinction must, however, be made

Sen has never made a useful distinction iin his life 

between a description of something being good in the sense of being a good one to give and it being a good description of that thing.

A 'good description' means a 'true & fair' account of the thing. 

The aspiring murderer demands from you a description of where his would-be victim has gone,

He is asking for information, not a description. Indeed, he may have to supply you with the description unless you too are already acquainted with the victim.  

and as you point at the wrong road he proceeds in that direction with a roar.

You didn't give a description. You gave false information.  

That description of where the would-be victim has gone is, I would agree, a good one to give,

Nobody has given any fucking description.  

but it can hardly be accepted as a good description of where the would-be victim has gone. The goodness of a description can be judged in terms of many alternative criteria,

No. It can only be judged in one way. It is a different matter that you may prefer to act capriciously rather than to judge the thing. Such behaviour can disqualify you from doing so.  

but in calling a description a good description of something, truth—in the broad sense—would seem to be a necessary condition.

Yet, such isn't the case. With respect to any type of descriptive work, there are experts in the field who judge what is good and is bad. If we don't have that expertise, we can't pronounce on the matter.  

There isn’t anything very puzzling here, even though the distinction has been frequently overlooked. A good description of something reflects reality about that thing is some straightforward sense, rather than distorting it.

I describe a good Amartya Sen who eats dog turds in a good manner.  To my mind, this reflects reality. However, I am not an expert on Sen's diet. It is possible that when Amartya Sen is good, he eats mice. When he is naughty, he feasts on camel droppings. 

  I turn now to the methodological dispute between Friedman and Samuelson.* Friedman argued that the appropriateness of an assumption must be judged not by its realism but by its predictive usefulness.

He was saying nothing about description 

Furthermore, Friedman saw an inverse relationship between realism of assumptions and its predictive contribution.

No. He said more significant theories may have less realistic assumptions. But an assumption is not a description. It is either itself a prediction or it a step towards getting a prediction. 

Insofar as a theory can be said to have ‘assumptions’ at all,

In Econ, every theory comes with a list of assumption

and insofar as their ‘realism’ can be judged independently of the validity of predictions,

they aren't meant to be realistic. 

the relation between the significance of a theory and the ‘realism’ of its assumptions is almost the opposite of that suggested by the view under criticism.

Sadly, Econ theories aren't significant at all. They are just shite you teach. Being able to correctly predict things, on the other hand, can make you very rich.   

Truly important and significant hypotheses will be found to have ‘assumptions’ that are widely inaccurate descriptive representations of reality, and, in general, the more significant the theory, the more unrealistic the assumptions (in this sense).

An assumption is not a description and vice versa. Consider the assumption of perfect competition. We can't describe a world where it obtains. Indeed, such a world is 'incompossible'. It can't obey the laws of physics which obtain in the real world.

Characterizing the approach as “F-twist’”, Samuelson has attacked Friedman’s position sharply. “If the abstract models contain empirical falsities, we must jettison the models, not gloss over their inadequacies.”

& say goodbye to Physics, Chemistry, Biology- any nomothetic discipline.  

“The empirical harm done by the F-twist is this. In practice it leads to Humpty-Dumptiness. Lewis Carroll had Humpty-Dumpty use words any way he wanted to. I had in mind something different: Humpty-Dumpty uses the F-twist to say, “What I choose to call the admissable amount of unrealism and empirical invalidity is the tolerable amount of unrealism’”’.’

But if Humpty gives better predictions than any one else, we don't fucking care.  

I am not presently concerned with whether Friedman is correct in thinking that an inverse relationship tends to exist between accurate assumptions and predictive success.

He didn't think that. He merely said that if a model has better predictions,  and you gain by having better predictions, then you stick with it even if you find its assumptions unrealistic.  

The important point to note is that if such an inverse relationship were to obtain, Friedman would be quite willing to sacrifice accuracy.

Accuracy is not available. It is simply a fact that if what matters is prediction, accurate prediction is all that matters. If description is what matters, accurate description is all that matters. They are two separate things. 

Stanley Wong (1973) has pointed out that Samuelson’s critique takes insufficient note of the “instrumental” nature of Friedman’s methodological position, and the latter’s overriding concern with prediction. This, I believe, is indeed the case, but the two views of description differ on an issue that goes well beyond the question of the predictive focus.

There is only one view of description. Sen is making this shit up.  

No matter what the aim happens to be, as long as it is not—or does not include—making only accurate statements about observed facts, a conflict can conceivably arise between descriptive accuracy and the aim of the description.

No. Descriptive accuracy is objective. It is wholly independent of the subjective aim. 

The issue is a good deal more general than the so-called ‘“‘F-twist”, and concerns the conflict between aims of description and the truth of statements that can be used to further these aims. 

Description is a word. It is not a being with aims or dreams or preferences or a philosophy of life. Some descriptions have verisimilitude. If so, we say they are good. This does not mean that they regularly condemn Narendra Modi. It doesn't even mean that they offer gratuitous rape counselling to senior citizens. It just means that we are pleased with them.  

Another different motivation is involved in Nicholas Kaldor’s’ advocacy of departure from truthful description, in favour of what he calls “stylized facts”.

i.e. assumptions re. what would, approximately, be the case, ceteris paribus.  

These aren’t facts in the sense of being true, but they communicate rapidly certain things that are close enough to being true, but avoid a plethora of details.

that is what an approximation is.  

An example: that in the Western economies the capital output ratio remained stationary over many decades and so did the share of wages in national income.

This is clearly false because of the business cycle.  

Not exactly true for all the alluded economies. In fact, not exactly true for any of the alluded economies. Still, if the variations are relatively small in comparison with other, related variables, the simplification will have certain obvious advantages.

So will lying.  

I have to report that in this case the advantages were probably rather unequally shared, with the biggest share going to Kaldor himself, who used these stylized facts to illustrate his well-known models of growth and distribution. But that wasn’t all there was to it, and some of the stylized facts undoubtedly succeeded in enhancing comprehension, drawing attention to important observed regularities, even though they were not quite accurate. However, the important issue here isn’t whether these particular simplifications were all informative without being misleading but that the method of using “‘stylized facts’ can indeed have this property.

So can lying or spinning a yarn or telling a 'just-so' story.  

There is nothing exceptional to economics in making stylized facts a possible and potentially efficient method of understanding reality.

or lying that you do.  

Fiction is a general method of coming to grip with facts.

Only in the sense that lying is a general method of revealing the truth.  

There is nothing illegitimate in being helped by War and Peace to an understanding of the Napoleonic wars in Russia, or by Grapes of Wrath to digesting aspects of the Depression.

Nor is there anything legitimate about it. Tolstoy was completely wrong about Napoleon & Kutuzov. There is no aspect of the Depression illumined by Steinbeck. The fucker never even visited Oklahoma. Also American women didn't breastfeed starving strangers. 

There is no reason why descriptive statements in economics have to aspire after mechanical accuracy even when it conflicts with comprehension and absorption.

Descriptive Econ or Accountancy must be accurate. Otherwise it gets the fucking sack. What Sen did wasn't descriptive. It was masturbatory or time wasting.  

There is, of course, an obvious objection to presenting non-facts dressed up as facts, but there is no need to do this once non-facts are accepted as ligitimate descriptive instruments themselves.

Once you accept lies as truth, you don't need to bother with truth. Also, by accepting dog turds as tasty food, you can subsist wholly on dog turds.  

Such a description of something will be good in the sense of being useful, but—as already explained—must not be confused with its being a good—or realistic—description of that thing. 

I describe dog turds as tasty food. Sen is obliged to eat them.  

Samuelson’s argument that ‘we must jettison the models” that “contain empirical falsities’’ seems to be based on

stupidity. All models in the natural sciences 'contain empirical falsities'.  

a very narrow view of objectives of description. However, Samuelson wasn’t only objecting to the use of empirical falsities in models, but also disputing Friedman’s use of words.

No. He was saying that Friedman is making up his own criteria of success. This wasn't true. The criteria was that predictions got verified by outcomes.  

The reference to Humpty-Dumptiness deals with this. This relates closely to our distinction between a description that is good and a good description of something.

They are one and the same. The meaning is 'this description has high verisimilitude' or what Popper called 'truth-likeness'.  

Friedman not only defends the use of inaccurate assumption in predictive theory, but also employs a new concept of realism. It is “‘the test by prediction” in classifying alternative assumptions “‘as more or less realistic” that Friedman embraces and which he sees others being ‘‘necessarily driven” to accept (p. 33).

Sadly, when Friedman's predictions failed to materialize, his theory was abandoned. This what was happening around the time Sen published this.  

The predictive usefulness of an inaccurate description may well justify the choice of that description, but why does it make it a more realistic description?

We chose the prediction, not the description, if we are only concerned with the outcome. If we don't care about the outcome but for some reason want a picture of how things were, we go for the description.  

The “instrumental” nature of Friedman’s position may be adequate in defending the choice of such an assumption, but to call it “‘realistic” is a separate assertion, violating the important criterion that a description must be true, in the broad sense, to be realistic.

Sen assumes that it is easy to say which description is relistic. But, he himself seems to think that Tolstoy & Steinbeck gave realistic descriptions whereas, notoriously, the opposite was the case. Napoleon was a freakin' military genius. Okies weren't evicted by evil bankers. FDR's agricultural adjustment act incentivized landlords to eject tenants so as to lower their cotton acreage. Government subsidies enabled them to replace workers with tractors. About a quarter of all tenant farmers in the South West upped sticks during that decade for this reason. Thus Steinbeck was completely wrong about everything. Only a cretin like Sen would have bought into his crude propaganda.  

Samuelson’s objection to this violation cannot be dismissed by a pointer to the “instrumental” character of Friedman’s economic methodology.

Sure it can. Samuelson was wrong. Friedman was right. The Phillips curve didn't really represent a trade-off. Anyway, you can could always change the assumptions to make them more appealing to any particular audience. 'Micro-foundations' was a way to reverse engineer things.  

The defence that Friedman provides of this characterisation of ‘“‘realism”’ mainly takes the form of denying the viability of any alternative conception. A theory or its “assumptions” cannot possibly be thoroughly “realistic” in the immediate descriptive sense so often assigned to this term.

It must have lower Kolmogorov complexity than what it relates to. 

A completely “‘realistic” theory of the wheat market would have to include not only the conditions directly underlying the supply and demand for wheat but also the kind of coins or credit instruments used to make exchanges; the personal characteristics of wheattraders such as the colour of each trader’s hair and eyes, his antecedents and education, the number of members of his family, their characteristics, antecedents, and education, etc.; the kind of soil on which the wheat was grown, its physical and chemical characteristics, the weather prevailing during the growing season; the personal characteristics of the farmers growing the wheat and of the consumers who will ultimately use it; and so on indefinitely.

No. A particular market for wheat would indeed have particular determinants of Demand, Supply, etc. However, hair colour is never relevant. The question is whether outcomes in a particular wheat market depart too much from what the existing theory, absent any local knowledge, predicts. This does not mean, for some other purpose- e.g. ecological- that interference in a particular market might not be justified. 

Any attempt to move very far in achieving this kind of ‘‘realism” is certain to render a theory utterly useless.

No. But it isn't parsimonious or it needlessly adds noise to signal.  

In assessing this objection it is necessary to consider the distinction between realism in the sense of ‘“‘nothing but the truth” and that in the sense of ‘the whole truth”.

They are one and the same. Commission & omission arise in testimony. But the truth is not testimony. It is a predicate applicable to testimony. 

An assumption can be realistic in that it is true without the claim being made that it is exhaustive in capturing all aspects of the reality.

all relevant aspects. Truth means relevant truth.  

Advocates of realism in the sense of “nothing but the truth” need not demand “the whole truth’.

There really is no difference between the two. The truth of the matter is all relevant information. Selective testimony is not true testimony. It is biased.  

The dissatisfaction with Friedman’s position on the part of critics such as Samuelson does not arise from Friedman’s rejection of “the whole truth’, but from his rejection of “nothing but the truth’’.

No. He says neither matter. Only the quality of predictions is germane. Remember, it is only in a court of law- where a civil or criminal matter has to be adjudicated that testimony under oath of this type is required. But most matters are not justiciable.  

The distinction is important for Friedman’s discussion of departures from realism and the criteria of acceptability of such departures. What is the criterion by which to judge whether a particular departure from realism is or is not acceptable?

Unless the matter is justiciable, there re no such criteria. Friedman was right to say that all we care about is prediction. We don't need to know how the sausage is made. It could be done within a 'black box' for all we care.  

Why is it more “unrealistic” in analysing business behaviour to neglect the magnitude of businessmen’s costs than the colour of their eyes?

Because, in business 'costs' matter. Eye colour does not. Sen may suffer from some major mental malfunction such that he can't tell what is relevant and what is irrelevant for businesses. But this is a very rare malady indeed.  

The obvious answer is because the first makes more difference to business behaviour than the second; but there is no way of knowing that this is so simply by observing that businessmen do have costs of different magnitudes and eyes of different colour.

Only if there is no way of knowing what knowing is or what no is or what is is. The problem with appearing a fucking cretin is that others can be more cretinous yet.  

Clearly it can only be known by comparing the effect on the discrepancy between actual and predicted behaviour of taking one factor or the other into account.

No. It is known a priori and arises out of 'theory of mind'- much of which is hardwired.  

Even the most extreme proponents of realistic assumptions are thus necessarily driven to reject their own criterion and to accept the test by prediction when they classify alternative assumptions as more or less realistic."

There is no such compulsion. Friedman & Samuelson were featured in Newsweek. I suppose they wrote entertainingly enough, but- by 1980- the debate was over. Samuelson was wrong about the Phillips curve. Going forward you had increasingly arcane Fintech of a type senile shitheads like Sen could not follow.   

 However, Friedman’s concentration on predictive success as the only objective he considers,

for Positive Economics 

also makes his treatment of the choice basis of description a very limited one.

because Positive Econ has a limited aim. Sen's normative econ, wants descriptions (false or foolish ones) for a polemical purpose. Friedman is like a Doctor who wants to cure the patient. Sen is like a paranoid nutter who attributes the illness suffered by the patient to the Devil or Capitalism or the fact that Manmohan Singh is Prime Minister.  

Description may well be geared to some objective other than prediction, e.g., normative analysis,

lying and scolding 

or efficient communication,

in which case prediction is what matters. You use the descriptive term you predict will pick out the right object for your interlocutor. Schelling focal theory is the relevant solution concept.  

or even satisfying idle curiosity. Even the preference for concentrating on businessmen’s costs rather than on the colour of their eyes—to return to Friedman’s example—may arise from some non-predictive motivation. For example, within the normative perspective, the businessmen’s costs might be relevant to some notion of desert, e.g., a person deserves to get a reward for the costs he has undertaken,

I deserve to get a reward for phoning up Dr. Sen in the middle of the night to inform him of places where he can get fresh dog turds. This is because spending my time in this manner imposes an opportunity cost on me represented by money I could have earned doing something else.  

and this may give no place at all to the colour of the person’s eyes. The nature of economic questions reflects a variety of interests that the subject has to cater to. Has the distribution of income turned more unequal in country x?

Yes. Also Capitalists are invisibly sodomizing everybody. Manmohan Singh is the culprit. Fuck you Manmohan! Fuck you very much! 

Are the residents of country y better fed today than before?

No! They aren't eating enough dog turds.  

Is modern technology getting easily absorbed in country z?

Yes. Technology is easy to absorb- if you have a bit of cash.  

Has trade unionism influenced the distribution of income under capitalism?

This went into reverse during that period.  

Are there business cycles still in the Western economies?

This is about prediction and is positive 

How large is the Soviet Union’s international trade?

Descriptive Accountancy 

How should we plan the use of exhaustible resources?

Normative.  

Does progressive taxation affect incentives?

Predictive- thus Postivie 

Will the expansion of money supply—this one in honour of Milton Friedman—expand prices proportionately? ‘

Predictive- thus Positive 

This bag of assorted questions reflects a plurality of motivation that is not reducible to some kind of single “ultimate objective’.

Each motivation is reducible to one and only one objective.  This means a choice has to be made unless a pathology- like that of Sen's- supervenes such that only stupid lies and peurile scolding is produced. 

They represent predictive investigation, normative concern as well as curiosity related to a variety of interests from sympathy to satisfying one’s spirit of inquiry.

Only if they don't have an objective. But a motive without an objective isn't a motive at all. It is merely some incohate state productive of nothing.  

A monolithic characterization of the objective of description will leave us with a methodology ill-suited to the subject. 

No. It will enable Econ to be useful rather than a platform for a brown monkey to gas on endlessly.  

The multiplicity of motivation has been discussed so far in the particular context of departures from accuracy, but it is of course a much more central issue than this particular context might suggest. Even when no departures from truth are involved, there is—as already discussed—the problem of selection, choosing from the set of true statements a subset of relevant ones.

There is a feedback loop regulated by Occam's razor such that stuff with little predictive power gets deselected.  

Criteria of relevance are crucial to this choice basis of description going well beyond the issue of truth. Methodological discussions in economics have tended to concentrate on predictive and prescriptive concerns, and seem to have had the effect of ignoring other motivations that stimulate inquiry.'

E.g the motivation of brown monkey to just gas on and on and on in a completely useless and stupid manner.  

This bias has had a rather inpoverishing role on the descriptive traditions in economics. The choice basis of description may relate to the curiosity that precipitates inquiry, and this curiosity need not reflect predictive or prescriptive interests.

It may reflect the desire of a brown monkey to gas on endlessly.  

Indeed, even the use of language can relate to selection based on other types of curiosity. In response to the question: “Is China a large country?”’,

the answer is 'yes. By area, it is the third or fourth largest'.  

we accepted the answer: “Yes, it has 900 million people’,

This is the answer to the question 'does China have a large population?'. The answer, at that time, was 'yes. It is the most populous country in the world. ' 

basing the notion of the size of country on the size of its population. However, China has less surface area than Canada, fewer tigers than India, fewer polar bears than the Soviet Union, and—according to some early enthusiastic accounts—no flies at all.

All of which is irrelevant.  

The case for describing China as larger than Canada, India or the Soviet Union clearly rests in our greater interest in human beings than in square miles, tigers, polar bears and flies.

But China was smaller than the Soviet Union or even Russia by itself. Sen is simply repeating a lie. 

...The non-predictive, non-prescriptive motivations are particularly important to bear in mind in understanding the role of “theories of value” in economics, particularly the labour theory of value.

The thing was nonsense. We understand that shitheads have a motivation to talk bollocks but we can exclude that bollocks from the realm of Accountancy & Economics & Actuarial or Management Science.  

The labour theory can, in fact, be given various intrepretations related to the motivations involved.

So can the God theory or the Lesbian goat theory. Did you know that all these so called 'factories' and 'coal mines' and so forth are actually manned by Lesbian goats? Why are they being so pitilessly exploited? Is it because Manmohan Singh is secretly sodomizing the entire peasantry and proletariat of the world so incessantly that Capitalism has had to replace manpower with goatpower?  

One is that of a predictive theory—in particular that of relative prices and distribution, and it encompasses the so-called “law of value’. Another is normative, providing a theory of entitlements. A third, which is frequently missed, is a way of discriminating between different features of production and exchange by focussing on elements of human involvement.'

Lesbian Goat theory has all these properties to the same extent as the Labour theory of Value.  

Value, in Marx’s (1887) words, is ‘“‘a relation between persons expressed as a relation between things”.

only in the sense that a relation between lesbian goats and Neo-liberalism entails that shite. 

The last interpretation is frequently taken to be “metaphysical”, as Joan Robinson (1964) puts it, describing it also as “‘a mere rigmarole of words” (p. 39). Why so? Because it

is nonsense. Value is a predicate. It isn't a relation. We say 'diamonds have value'. We don's say 'Necessity is the mother-in-law of Value. Charity used to date Value's ex but has now decided to marry a Lesbian goat.'  

picks up from the description of production and exchange only some features as being specially significant, leaving the rest untouched? The discrimination makes the description arbitrary, as many critics have seen it. But, as I have already tried to argue, any description involves discrimination and selection, and the real question is the relevance of the selection process to the objectives of description.

To say 'to get to Victoria from Earls Court, take the District line' involves 'discrimination and selection'. But it is useful and 'Schelling focal'- i.e. is the 'natural' solution in the underlying coordination game. To say 'to get to Victoria from Earls Court, sodomize the ineluctability of the diagonalization of the Lesbian goat' also involves 'discrimination and selection'. But it isn't useful at all. Yet, that is what Sen is doing. 

I have claimed elsewhere’* that the methodological issue can be more easily understood by looking at other descriptive statements in which the discrimination involved cannot be reduced entirely to predictive or prescriptive interests. Consider the statement “Michaelangelo produced the statue of David”. There is an obvious sense in which this would be accepted as

true based on Kripke rigid designators 

a realistic description,

It is not a description.  

despite its being informationally selective and the selection process not being primarily motivated by prediction or prescription. The production process in making the statue actually involved not merely Michaelangelo, but his helpers, a huge block of stone, chisels, scaffoldings, etc., but the description quoted focusses on Michaelangelo only as the most relevant bit of information. Note that the discrimination cannot be based on any marginal productivity consideration in the usual neoclassical sense. Without Michaelangelo, no statue, but without stone, no statue either! But this does not give the same status to the two statements “Michaelangelo produced the statue of David’ and “this stone produced the statue of David” (or “‘this stone quarry produced the statue of David’’).

Nothing wrong with saying that. But these are not descriptive statements. They are based on 'rigid designation'. To be descriptive they would be of the form 'Michaelangelo produced the sculpture of David which is x metres high and which weighs y kilograms and which looks like the picture below

 


The selection process reflects other motivations, in particular, that of capturing the source of the imagination displayed in the statue.

This has nothing to do with description 

The labour theory of value, in its descrptive interpretation,

it has none. A theory is not a description.  

shows a similar—but not the same—type of discrimination, focussing—in this case—

which case? Michaelangelo?  

on the human effort directly and indirectly involved in the process of production and exchange of commodities.

Does Sen think the guy was working in a factory? 

In assessing the labour theory of value as a description of production and exchange,

which is like assessing the cat as a description of the dog. A theory is not  a description.  

it is the cogency of this focus that has to be assessed,

there is zero cogency. The cat is not a dog. The theory is not a description.  

including its ability, if any, to capture our interest compared with other methods of discrimination.

Why capture the interest of useless nutters?  

Examining only the theory’s predictive success, or its normative relevance, will not even begin to provide

Sen with nutritious dog turds.  

a complete assessment of the labour theory of value.

which is fully provided by saying the thing is dog shit.  

And to call it metaphysical because it is informationally discriminating

in favour of theses which are 'beyond physics' and thus metaphysical, is perfectly justified.

Sen's analysis 

involves a total failure to perceive the nature of description as an activity. 

Briefly, the nature of this activity is to map what is observed to means of expression such that a description is available at some later date or to some third party. Some pathology, or previous instruction, may cause only some parameters to be observed and described. But this is not a matter of Choice. By contrast, an 'impressionistic' or otherwise aesthetic or polemical or other non-alethic account may involve choice. 

I turn now to the other of the two great theories of value, viz., the utility theory.

Utility is a Tarskian primitive. 

Again, utility descriptions have predictive and normative interest,

There are no utility descriptions. There are imputations of utility of a ipse dixit type.  

but once again they do not exhaust the descriptive motivations.

They are wholly unrelated to them.  

The joys and sufferings of human beings and their deprivations and fulfilments have interest of their own.

No.  They are of no interest to anybody. Shitheads may pretend otherwise to virtue signal.  

Even classical political economists were much concerned with related—though not identical—features in their interset in use value.'* It is this part of the descriptive motivation that has been least well served by recent developments of utility theory, most notably by the theory of revealed preference.

Which came out in 1938 when Sen was 5 years old. How is that 'recent'?  

Focussing only on predicting behaviour, the richness of human psychology has been substantially ignored,

because Economists are ignorant of Psychology. You have to ignore what you haven't studied.  

refusing to see anything in utility or happiness other than choice. As the “‘father’’ of revealed preference theory, Paul Samuelson, puts it: behaviour is to be “explained in terms of preference, which are in turn defined only by behaviour.”’

Which is all that businesses and governments are interested in. Crazy people, on the other hand, may want to discuss the Labour theory of value or the Lesbian Goat theory of value or the psychological richness involved in being incessantly sodomized by invisible Netan-Yahoos.  

This has led to an approach that is—despite some predictive merits— remarkably mute about human joys and sufferings in which economics used to take a lot of interest.

Because it was useless and consisted only of scolding people rather than economising on the use of scarce resources.  

The result is a descriptive impoverishment from many perspectives

Brown monkey whose people were starving just six years ago worries about 'descriptive impoverishment'! Yet, thanks to Western technology like TV cameras, descriptions now are better than ever! 

, including—among others—normative relevance, since many of the common norms do relate precisely to the ignored descriptive features.'?

All the norms are dog shit which Sen must eagerly devour to overcome impoverishment.  

... There has been the proposition that every factual statement involves implicit values.

not to mention invisible Lesbian goats.  

In its original formulation and use, this claim, which I believe is false, may have played a challenging part in the dialectics with positivism. ‘“‘So you want facts only, no values, because they are illegitimate,” the argument ran, “but you can’t have facts without values. Touché!” But why must every factual statement involve values?

Invisible lesbian goats. They are very insistent on this point.  

The basis of the claim seems to rest uneasily on the belief, which is correct, that any description involves some selection.

Which could be random and thus unconnected with human intentionality or bias or values or interests. 

What is not correct is the further belief that the selection must be based on some explicit or implicit prescriptive criterion. The criteria used for selection, as I have been arguing, may be aimed at objectives other than prescription, e.g., catering to curiosity.

or sodomy or the ravenous devouring of dog turds. Since Economics is concerned with economising on the use of scarce resources, only descriptions which advance this objective are of interest to Economists. 

... few concluding remarks. First, description inevitably involves selection.

and selection inevitably involves description. So what? If the thing is inevitable, how are economists concerned with it?  

It can be usefully seen as a choice of a subset from a set of possible statements.

If there is no set, there can be no subset. 'Possible statements' does not have a well-defined extension. Thus it isn't a set. 

It is not useful to see a thing as something which it can't be.  

Second, truth is clearly not a sufficient condition for a description to be good.

So what? There is no necessary, sufficient, or other condition for anything to be anything save by arbitrary stipulation. But. by just such stipulation, Sen eats only dog turds.  

Third, nor is it a necessary condition. Friedman’s defence of departures from truth in choosing factual assumptions is a special case of a general argument in favour of judging description by its usefulness.

No. There are no descriptions in Friedman. There is data- e.g. relating to the Monetary base or the Price level or the velocity of ciriculation. But data, by itself, is not description.  What matters is whether Freidman's theory yielded the right predictions. In so far as the Phillips curve broke down- such was the case. But the prediction that inflationary pressure could be squeezed out purely by monetary policy without mass unemployment was soon belied. It turned out that Money wasn't truly exogenous. 

Friedman considers only predictive usefulness, but there are other objectives which lead to the same conclusion. Samuelson’s assertion of the need to “‘jettison”’ models that contain “‘empirical falsities’” seems to take a very narrow view of description as an activity.

I suppose one could say that those with more knowledge of actual monetary policy were aware that Friedman't fairy tale was too good to be true. Still, the truth is, Friedman was actually the most successful 'normative' economist of his generation. He made it okay to laugh heartily at mass unemployment in the Rust Belt while pulling in big bucks from a job in Finance. 

Fourth, Friedman’s attack on traditional notions of realism is based on a misunderstanding. His own suggestion about judging realism by ‘“‘the test by prediction”? seems to confound usefulness of a description with its realism.

The thing didn't matter greatly. Friedman & Hayek prevailed because those who embraced their ideas  and values did better for themselves thereby. Bleeding Heart Keynesianism put money in nobody's pocket ; it was simply a pain the arse.  

A description of something can be a good one to give without being a good description of that thing.

What Sen means is 'sometimes, it is better for you to tell a lie rather than the truth'.  

Fifth, description can be motivated by predictive interest or by prescriptive interest, but it may also have other motivations, and to confine attention only to predictive or prescriptive interest impoverishes the traditions of descriptive economics.

Lying your head off may make you rich. At the very least, as a liar, you can claim to have become wealthy.  

Finally, such impoverishment can be seen in recent developments in many different fields of economics, varying from interpretations of theories of “value” to the measurement of inequality and poverty.

People say 'poor Professor X. As an undergrad, he appeared so promising. Now everybody thinks he is a stupid liar. His books and papers are considered very poor quality work'.  This type of 'impoverishment' can be defeated, Sen believes, by telling even stupider, even more monumental, lies.  

The richness of descriptive motivations seems to have been sacrificed for consistency within an arbitrarily narrow conception of these motivations, or—to be more exact—for consistency respectively within two arbitrarily narrow conceptions of motivations.

The richness of fantasist and the luxuriance of the liar has been sacrificed by professional people who get rich by discoveritng and reporting the truth.  

This, I have argued, has been an unequal exchange: confounding the nature of description as an activity and unnecessarily weakening the theoretical underpinning of many legitimate and useful activities in the social sciences.

Normative economics is based on telling stupid lies. Thus Sen, attacking Thatcher a couple of years after this paper was published, said that the UK could suffer a big famine under her leadership. His colleagues discouraged this claim. Brown monkeys should stick to denouncing other brown monkeys. Thus they welcomed his outrageous libel that Manmohan Singh was trying to force horribly diseased, wholly illiterate, Indian people into modern factories and offices so as to turn Indian into an economic super-power. It was actually the 'Dobb-Sen' thesis which had envisaged confiscating productivity gains from the proletariat so as to invest in the capital good sector. 

A fair description of Sen's entire oeuvre would leave us with no choice but to declare him a useless, stupid, ignorant liar and virtue signalling hypocrite. We are welcome to enrich this description, in the manner he himself endorses, by making the ipse dixit stipulatiton that he eagerly devours dog turds. 

Thursday, 3 September 2026

Amartya Sen' choice of Communist technique.

Maurice Dobb was a Communist academic who recruited spies for the Soviet Union. In India, he is known as the mentor of Amartya Sen, who was 33 years his junior. The Dobb-Sen thesis 'is a foundational economic model regarding the choice of techniques in developing countries. Developed by Indian economist Amartya Sen under the supervision of Marxist economist Maurice Dobb at the University of Cambridge during the late 1950s, the thesis argues that developing nations should prioritize capital-intensive production methods over labor-intensive ones to maximize long-term economic growth and savings.'[1, 2, 3]

Put simply, the idea was to freeze real wages & plough back productivity gains into the capital goods sector. The problem here was that real wages would fall if agricultural growth did not keep pace with population growth (which it didn't because of lack of investment in agriculture and the fact that food aid depressed returns for farmers). This would affect morale and work effort. Productivity would stagnate. But this meant that the real rate of return on investment fell or became negative (because of depreciation of assets). 

This is not to say that private companies in India didn't adopt capital intensive methods or that it would have been wrong for them to do so. Some already had considerable experience of this and were attracting sufficient finance to expand. 

The plain fact is, Capitalists are good at capital-intesive production. Advanced Capitalist countries have a lot of Capitalists. Some such are willing to set up plants in poor countries where labour is cheap and there are semi-literate young people eager to learn accountancy and engineering and other middle management skills. They may also wish to issue shares in their enterprises which can be traded on local Stock Exchanges thus giving a higher rate of return to savers and encouraging the formation of indigenous financial capital which can be applied in ancilliary industries.

All this was obvious to Indians because there were foreign companies, British, Germany, Japanese, American- even Czech- which had factories in India. Local entrepreneurs, sometimes hiring foreign managers, had similar enterprises including in the Iron & Steel sector. One company led by a Bengali, received a large loan from the World Bank in the early Fifties to expand production of Steel. 

Dobb knew that Stalin had sold raw materials so as to bring in American companies, depserate to find new markets during the Great Depression, to build factories in the Soviet Union. But, India could not sell food when its people were starving because it was a Democracy. Moreover, its leaders didn't want to be subservient to foreign Capitalists whose representatives in India would live like 'Laat Sahibs' while employing hundreds and thousands of 'coolies'. Moreover, Nehru & his clique were wary even of the established Indian industrialists who had financed Congress and who owned some of the big newspapers. Thus, Nehru persuaded Congress to pursue a Socialist pattern of Society.  Capitalist development was off the table. 

It may be that Dobb thought the Soviet Union had mastered techniques of production (assisted by its spies in the West) and that it could do technology transfer. Sadly, though it was prepared to do this for Communist China in the Fifties, it could scarcely do so, on a comparable scale, for a Democratic, Non-Aligned, country. What it could offer was 'Rupee-Rouble' convertibility, on terms favourable to itself, so that India got some turnkey projects- which were actually quite profitable (but not as efficient as the private sector)  and the Soviets got some Indian raw materials and manufactured goods in return. This was a cozy enough arrangement but one conducive only to a 'Hindu rate of growth'- i.e. about one percent or two real growth in per capita income. Sadly, because agriculture was neglected so as to invest in shitty capital-intensive turnkey projects, the problem of hunger increased. India lost the ability to feed or defend itself.

What technique should a person or a country choose? The answer is, the one it knows or can master quickly, not the one it doesn't know and is utterly shit at. 

Why was this not obvious to Amartya Sen?

In his memoir, he writes

By June 1956, at the end of my first year as a research student, I had a set of chapters that looked as if they could form a dissertation. A substantial number of economists at various universities were work­ing then on different ways of choosing between techniques of production.

This was a matter of 'Operations Research'. Those best at it worked for big Enterprises or the Military Industrial complex. They were mathematicians though some also had a good knowledge of specific commercial specializations like Accountancy (e.g McNamara) or Actuarial Science or Production Economics (O.R).

What Sen meant was that some academic  Economists were establishing a mathematical formalism for didactic purposes. They weren't actually involved in choosing techniques for any enterprise any more than they were providing rules for democratic Social Choice. (which Arrow's theorem wrongly suggests is ab ovo impossible).

 Mathematicians, like Kolmogorov, came up with algorithms which could be applied to get better solutions for various O.R problems. Professors of Econ could give lectures on developments in O.R to Accountancy majors while Engineering graduates who wanted MBAs could be indoctrinated in a mathematical formalism (Arrow-Debreu) which ignored Knightian Uncertainty and thus was potentially very mischievous. (This gave rise to the observation that Arrow-Debreu securities were weapons of mass financial destruction).

In India, Nehru wanted to preempt the private sector getting World Bank loans, or using their own funds, to expand output of capital intensive goods. Since, 'leapfrogging'- i.e. adopting the newest technique- was most economical, the private sector had the right incentive though, obviously, it might prefer protection from competition and a quiet life as a monopolist. 

 Public Sector enterprises were constrained in choice of technique by political considerations. Politicians might prefer 'gifts' from foreign countries anxious to get rid of shitty capital goods but those gifts might turn out to be prohibitively expensive in the long run. The other problem was that if the 'Plan' was overambitious and the Government ran out of money, then the project would be left high and dry. It must be said, not all the public sector projects from the Fifties and Sixties turned into money-pits. Some, like the ONGC, diversified out of India and  'scaled up' quite well. Still, overall, the Public Sector was a drag in the Economy because it had no incentive to be efficient. Indeed, for political reasons, the opposite was the case. 

To be fair, few young academic economists foresaw such problems in the mid-Fifties. Nevertheless, for people from poverty stricken India, it was obvious that techniques applicable in advanced industrial economies were simply out of the question in most parts of the, still quite feudal, Indian hinterland.  

Some were particularly focused on maximising the total value of the output produced,

during the War, that was the priority in particular sectors- e.g. production of fighter planes during the Blitz.  

whereas others wanted to maximise the surplus that was generated, and there were also some profit maximisers.

Profit is surplus divided by funds applied.  

Analysing these – and other – approaches, and taking note of the fact that a higher surplus, when reinvested, could lead to a higher rate of growth and through that to a higher output in the future, the dif­ferent criteria could be compared through assessing alternative time series of outputs and consumption.

They really couldn't. Still, stupid undergrads could be taught some mathsy shite.  

I was sure that the unruly literature on all this could be sorted out and nicely disciplined through comparative evaluation of alternative time series, which turned out to be fun to do.

It was an exercise in futility.  

I called it the “time series approach”.

The term had been used since the 1890s. Planning is always planning for the future. The future hasn't happened yet. In time, it will. 

I was glad to be able to outline an easily discussable general methodology for the various alternative proposals that were being offered.

So, Sen wasn't writing about choice of technique. He was writing about how to teach people how to teach choice of technique to people who would never choose shit. They would either teach or be mindless bureaucratic drones.

I presented the general picture in an article that I sent to the Quarterly Journal of Economics (a leading journal in economics – then and now), which was kind enough to take the paper for immediate pub­lication.

All sorts of worthless journals had cropped up.  

They also accepted a second paper to come out not long after.

More and more Econ Departments were opening up recruiting more and more Professors who would spoon-feed shite to credential craving students.  

There were a few related concerns that were dealt with in separate papers, which also found their way to publication. By then, at the end of my first year of research, I started wondering whether I had – in the papers taken together – something like a doctoral dissertation. But I also worried whether this was a delusion of grandeur.

It was the delusion of a 'useful idiot' who didn't know that he was providing a justification for a Stalinist policy which had already failed.  

So I asked my teacher Maurice Dobb

not an O.R guy. Patrick Blackett, Nobel laureate in Physics & a great pal of Nehru, was the top OR man in the UK at that time. His influence on the Second Plan & India's food & defence position was deleterious. My point is, Sen was going with the Nehruvian flow- of utter shit. 

to have a quick look and give me his assess­ment. I had forgotten that for Dobb there was no such thing as having a quick look. At the end of two weeks I received from him an enor­mous set of helpful comments on how to improve my presentation. But there was also his comforting general conclusion that there was certainly more in my chapters than would be needed for a doctorate.

People who never produced anything got to advise on how Government money should be wasted.  Sen could have stayed in Cambridge to tart up the mathematical side of his thesis but Sraffa- another Communist- was prepared to let him go to Calcutta for two years where he would be under the nominal supervision of a family friend. This enabled Sen to take up a teaching appointment at 23 in Jadavpur. He worked hard- sometimes lecturing for 28 hours in a single week- and thus became a polished pedagogue with a knack for holding the interest of his students without taxing their intellect unduly. 

 In fact, I was learning so much from teaching that I felt convinced I could not really be sure of knowing a subject well

to know Economics well is to actually economise on the use of scarce resources. Teaching Econ isn't economical. Similarly, teaching Yogic levitation (which the Maharishi did) doesn't mean you actually are a Yogi with super-natural powers.

until I had tried to teach it to others.

At that time, all analytical econ could be taught through calculus. The Slutsky Income and Substitituon effect in the theory of Demand is just the substitution and scale effect in the theory of Production. What is odd, is that neither feature in Sen's 'choice of technique'.  

Consider the following extract from his article on choice of technique for East Asia-

SURPLUS LABOUR AND THE DEGREE OF MECHANIZATION

Surplus labour means less mechanisation is economic. Labour shortage means substitution of machine power for man-power. However, if there are 'non-convexities'- i.e. economies of scope and scale- it will be possible to borrow and profitably invest in both capital widening and deepening such that the capital-labour ratio rises even in a country with lots of people coming onto the job market. 

I may mention 'super-modularity' (i.e. complementary goods or 'external economies') which, however, was not known to be mathematically tractable at that time. 

THE object of this paper is to see whether we can make some general remarks about the nature and types of techniques of production that are likely to give what might be considered 'desirable' results in the so-called under-developed countries, particularly of East Asia.

With hindsight, we would say 'East Asians are as smart as fuck & happy to work their asses off. They can choose knowledge based techniques of production and rise up the value chain by endogenous change in habitus (i.e. they learn by doing and become more and more like their mimetic target).

 Obviously, if people of this sort went in for export led growth with foreign fdi, they would soon be able to borrow at increasingly competitive rates and rise in the value chain before themselves becoming capital exporters.

South Asia could not do this because of a paternalistic attitude to labour & a populist type of pseudo-Socialist politics. The contrast between the South Asian working class & the East Asian factory worker (leaving aside North Korea) has become quite stark. Thus a textile worker in the informal sector in India earns one third what the Chine textile worker earns. Club goods- like Government schools- are better in China. There can be no question about it. East Asia won. South Asia lost. 

Why? South Korea listened to Irma Adelman (Taiwan had its own Chinese American economists (from Cornell) to steer it towards export-led growth). India listened to useless Bengalis & British Marxists. 

To be fair, Adelman did support agricultural-demand-led industrialization (ADLI) in the Eighties which squares with Left Front policy which did boost agricultural output in West Bengal. Large agricultural countries unable or unwilling to adopt a Western habitus can get a lot of mileage out of this. They are bound to have some big cities and industrial conurbations. They just don't need to go the whole hog on the 'escape Asia, enter Europe' shtick (This was the late nineteenth-century Japanese slogan "Datsu-A Nyū-Ō" (脱亜入欧), ))

Sadly, it seems incomplete Tardean Mimetics (imitation of the superior) seems to entail a 'middle income trap' unless there are raw material exports whose terms of trade don't fall too much.

Before we proceed to examine the relevant economic information, we should perhaps say a few words on the nature of the problem itself. 

The problem is one understood by people who produce things. It has nothing to do with a teacher of worthless shite.  

Let us assume that the Government intends to make a certain amount of investment and is considering a number of alternative blueprints involving different techniques of production.

The Government hires guys with experience in turning investible funds into merchandisable output. Such people are known as 'business men'. They don't teach worthless shite.  

1 Of the alternatives some could possibly be rejected outright. If, for example, technique A leads to a smaller flow of output per year than does technique B, and if both sets of plants have the same gestation lag, the same length of life, and the same requirement of labour and other current inputs per year, then technique A is definitely 'inferior'.

But our people may only have the knowhow to implement A, not B. Also, there may be an embargo on getting B from an advanced country. You have to accept A.  

Similarly, if technique A leads to an equal flow of output per year over an equal life after an equal lag, as does technique B, and if it requires more labour, or other current inputs, per year, then again, A is distinctly 'inferior'. 

The problem here is 'Knightian Uncertainty'. We don't know all future states of the world and what probability each has. A may be more 'robust'. It is regret minimizing to choose it. 

When we find that an enterprise uses an 'inferior' technique but is profitable, chances are that there are qualitiative differences in inputs- including management expertise.  

In the same way, if technique A leads to an equal flow of output per year and has the same current input requirement per year, but has a shorter life of plants

(higher depreciation) 

with the same gestation lag, or a longer lag followed by an equal life, then it is, again, of not much use. We do not need much economics to reject these alternatives

Sadly, you can't reject them if you live in the real world. Moreover depreciation is 'endogenous'. You can keep antiquated capital stock- which is what happened in the Indian textile industry- though this means greater and greater accumulated inefficiency. 

Problems of real choice arise when one good thing clashes with another.

That is not a problem. It is the nature of choice. You can't have your cake and eat it too.  

The classic case of technological choice is the one where the ratio of the initial investment to the consequent output flow is reduced by raising the ratio of employment flow to investment.

No. This is a story about over-manning. Don't do it. Sadly, the Public Sector may be forced to do so for political reasons. It must be said, private firms in labour surplus countries may also do this for charitable, 'moral economy' or prudential reasons. But they can do things, collectively, to raise the productivity of these 'under-employed' workers. The German 'mittelstand' was able to gain local external economies and thus increase value added in niche markets.

In a primitive country, creating a labour pool with a habitus suitable for employment on assembly lines, might take time. I believe overmanning also reduces Trade Union militancy because many workers know they have low or zero marginal product. In this context, overmanning is salutary provided external economies are being captured. 

In practice, 'Duality' is likely to obtain. There is high productivity formal sector and a lower productivity ancilliary sector.  But, as in the case of Japan, this can cause structural problems at a later point. 

At first sight it looks as if the techniques chosen in economies with surplus labour should be such that

labour actually knows that technique and can perform it as well as the competition. One hundred years ago, English textile workers- including women- were more productive than Japanese or Indians because they had acquired advantages through learning effects & external economies. This didn't meant India or Japan couldn't compete in lower quality segments of the market. It did mean that, to rise up the value chain, they had to change the habitus of workers so as to increase their productivity. Japan did it. India did not. 

the ratio of output flow to capital investment is maximized

No. It looks like the guy doing the investment should choose the technique which makes him the biggest profit.  

(given the life of the plants, the gestation lag, and the requirement of raw materials), even if this involves a larger labour requirement, than some other alternatives.

This could cause a financial loss. If depreciation is not covered, the enterprise goes out of business or requires a subsidy.  

Labour is available, and must be fed anyway, so that employment of more labour does not seem to cost anything to the society.

If you get fed anyway, why work? 

This is, however, not quite the whole picture. Additional employment tends to produce additional consumption via the creation of additional wages bills. Total consumption may go up in two ways, viz., through an increase in the amount of consumption of the people who are newly employed and through that of the people who were previously supporting these unemployed people and have now more elbow room.

Poverty is reduced when people consume more. Sadly, Socialists don't want poor people to consume more.  

It is, thus, possible that while the choice of a more labour intensive technique will add to output, it will add more to consumption, reducing the volume of investible surplus.

How? Profit is calculated after wages, rents, cost of raw materials, depreciation, etc. Investible surplus is retained profit.  

Perhaps Sen meant that a command economy would have 'repressed inflation'- i.e. workers would have money wages which they couldn't spend because there was nothing in the shops for them to buy. This is the same as 'forced saving'. Shooting those who protest ensures that the Five Year Plan is over -fulfilled. 

If the policy objective is the maximization of the growth rate, we may choose more capital-intensive techniques

No. You may choose capital widening such that capital-intensivity decreases. For example, by putting surplus peasants into uniform and giving them a Kalashnikov, you can conquer territory & gain natural resources & slave labour- including people with scientific or management skills.  

than when it is the maximization of immediate output per unit of investment. If our objective is something intermediate between the maximization of immediate output and the maximization of the growth rate,

they are one and the same. I suppose Sen means 'maximization of consumption goods' but, as far as growth is concerned, all goods, consumption or capital or intermediate, count as part of total output.  

we might choose techniques that are in between these.

The problem is, you might lose the ability to choose anything at all because people think your objective is stupid.  

East Asia chose to go with exporting labour intensive goods before pivoting by the end of the Sixties to investing in state of the art heavy industries with the aim of tapping economies of scale so as to gain global markets. They chose techniques they could profit from and then profited from techniques which changed what they were capable of. Meanwhile India stagnated under a mountain of red tape. 

Returning to Sen's Memoir- 

In economics, this applies particularly to the clas­sificatory devices to be used in economic epistemology,

Sadly, it is impossible to say what is or isn't Capital or Consumption or Income or Wealth. Suppose you spend a lot of money on dressing like a dandy but, as a result, you get a high paying job, then your tailor's bill is 'investment' not 'consumption'. Equally, if you buy a sewing machine and cloth but are a shit tailor, you have spent money on a hobby- that is 'consumption'- it isn't investment because you did not make a profit from it.  

and that particular thought reminded me of my old friend, the grammarian and phonetician Panini from the third century BC whose classific­atory analysis had been very influential on my thinking.

Language may have an algorithmic description but language is not reality. One can say 'this sentence is not grammatically well formed' but the sentence would still be meaningful. If the King speaks ungrammatically and the Grammarian objects, it is the Grammarian who loses his job. Economics is about economising on scarce resources. It isn't about classifying stuff and talking ignorant bollocks.  

Given my youth and the widespread rumour that I had got the job at Jadavpur University through nepotism rather than merit, there was a predictable – and entirely understandable – storm of protest at my appointment.

Sen, like his supervisor, Amiya Dasgupta, was from East Bengal. Refugees tend to stick together and promote each other.  

On top of that there were grounds for political sus­picion because of my left­wing convictions – my days of active student politics in Presidency College had been only three years earlier. Among the sharpest attacks was a series of denunciations published in the right­wing magazine Jugabani.

Perhaps this explains Sen's life-long hatred of the Hindu Right.  

Amongst other things, I learned from them that, thanks to my appointment, the end of the world had become more imminent.

West Bengal's decline had become more probable. The rising generation would not be able to understand that burning buses won't increase the availability of buses nor will beating and chasing away industrialists cause more industries to come into existence. 

One of the attacks, which I have to confess I did enjoy, was illustrated by a skilfully drawn cartoon showing me being snatched from a cradle to be immediately made into a professor, standing in front of a blackboard, chalk in hand.

It was not unusual to have very young Economics lecturers. Jadavpur was strong in engineering and could certainly use a Professor who was up to date on OR. 

The chair of the department of history was Professor Sushobhan Sarkar,

who wrote the manifesto for the Communist Party of India 

In the faculty we also had a remarkably innovative historian, Ranajit Guha

who was believed to be close to the Kremlin 

Ranajitda was previously an active communist, but by the time I met him he had decided that this had been a mistake. He still remained a revolutionary – in a quiet and non­violent way – working for the neglected underdogs of society, but he had completely lost his faith in communist organisation, particularly Stalinism, which was very much in vogue in Calcutta at that time. Ranajitda was then married to Marta, who was of Polish origin with Jewish ancestry, and together they regularly hosted gatherings of friends.

Sen minimizes the Communist credentials of his associates at that period.  

Ranajitda was in the process, at that time, of writing his first book, A Rule of Property for Bengal, which would establish him as a histor­ian of unusual imagination and vision. The book investigates the intellectual background of Lord Cornwallis’s deadly Permanent Settle­ment of land tenure, imposed on Bengal in 1793, which did incredible harm to the economy.

  Cornwallis fixed rents in perpetuity. That meant the landlords and tenants had an incentive to improve the land and thus retain more money in their own pocket rather than hand it over to the State. How could this harm the economy? The answer is, if Bengalis were utterly shit and thus the State needed to wipe their bums, then the State needed to take more and more of the revenue of the State so as to pay for ass wiping. 


It was a work of quite profound originality, differing from standard works on British colonial policy in India by

refusing to engage with the historical record which was well known to the lawyers from whom Sen & Guha were descended.  

focusing on the role of ideas as opposed to greed and self­-interest (which had become the mainstay of critical his­tory at the time).

The idea was simple. If the Brits fix rents, then the landowners and other intermediaries have a strong incentive to support the Brits. A new ruler would raise rents. 

The British officers who had a voice in the choice of land rules in Bengal were motivated by

the desire for a quiet life. During the big famine after John Company took over the Diwani (tax farming franchise), people in London thought the Brits on the ground in Bengal were making massive profits by controlling the supply of food. That's why the Company took over the Nizamat (administration). This did improve matters. Whites- however greedy- weren't as shitty as Bengalis.  

their well-­considered views on how to improve Bengal agriculture. The ethics behind the rationale of permanent settlement, and on the reasoned and humane ideas that led to it, were actually different readings of good governance.

Nope. Governance of any sort depends on fiscal solvency. Putting down insurrections costs money. Governance is good enough if Governing can continue in a sedate manner. 


What is striking is that, despite their sincere attempts at doing good, the Per­manent Settlement agreement produced quite disastrous results.

Not for Sen's class nor for the Brits. 

Guha’s focus, unusually in colonial history, was not on imperial exploitation and the dominance of British interests over the concerns of the subjects, but the various well­meaning thoughts that led to a jumble of proposed arrangements for land settlement in Bengal – and their botched application.

It wasn't botched. It lasted 150 years. No doubt, some stupid people had written stupid articles at the end of the Eighteenth century, but the Settlement wasn't based on stupid ideas. It was a pragmatic business arrangement which drew upon the expertise of the indigenous clerical class, some of whom had become 'banyans' or 'vakils' for John Company.  

A Rule of Property for Bengal is not, however, the work for which Ranajit Guha is now most famous. That distinction goes to a series of publications under the generic title of Subaltern Studies, the product of a highly influential school of colonial and post­colonial history which he initiated and led. (As I noted in Chapter 4 it had some cor­respondence with my grandfather Kshiti Mohan’s giving precedence to those poems of Kabir which the poorer followers loved.)

In other words, two upper middle class East Bengalis were patting themselves on the back for taking an interest in the poor. Guha actually fucked off to Blighty and settlled there permanently a decade before Sen.  

The school of Subaltern Studies comprehensively disputed elitist interp­retations of history.

 These cunts considered themselves elite because they were Professors of useless shite. But the new elites in Democratic India- i.e. the politicians & technocrats- had their own historiography focussed on glorifying people of their own caste or creed. 

In his introduction to its first volume, published in 1982, Guha is deeply critical of the fact that the historiography of Indian nationalism had been, for a long time, dominated by both colonialist elitism and “bourgeois ­nationalist” elitism – which Rana­jitda did much to dis-establish.

There was a time when the Left ruled the roost in History Departments. But the Left has become history almost everywhere in India. Even West Bengal is now with the BJP

This was a big move to liberate the writing of Indian history – and by implication history everywhere – from a debilitating concentration on elitist perspectives.

It would be fair to say that vernacular language authors and scriptwriters, most of whom had little in the way of formal schooling, completely changed the type of history Indians consider important.  

Thus, nowadays, it is Birsa Munda who is important. There are big statues and airports and so forth named after this tribal leader. Sen & Guha only heard of the fellow after tribal people started becoming Ministers. Currently, the President of India is a tribal lady. She is of the elite. Professors of shitty subjects count for less than sub-inspectors of police or clerks in the Irrigation Department. 

Although Subaltern Studies had not yet been born when I first knew Ranajitda, our daily conversations made it clear that he was already thinking in terms of an anti­elitist reassessment of history.

Better done from elite campuses in places still ruled by Whites.  

Once I had settled into my new job and got to know the new students, I did not of course neglect my old haunt – the coffee house on College Street, opposite Presidency College and not far away from the base of Calcutta University. It was the summer of 1956 and among the vigor­ous debates going on then were the immediate reactions to Nikita Khrushchev’s revelations about Stalinist practices, in the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Some British Communists, like the great John Maynard Smith broke with the party at that time. Haldane, Smith's mentor, actually moved to India and took up Indian citizenship

The Congress had taken place in February 1956, a few months before I returned to Calcutta, and the implications of what had emerged were sinking in slowly in left­wing political circles there. When I asked one of the old loyalists I knew well what he thought, he told me immediately, “I hate Khrushchev more than any revolting little insect” and refused to have any further discussion. When I ventured that what Khrushchev had reported was shocking but completely unsurprising, I got a blast of political rebuke.
My own awakening to the tyranny of the Soviet system had come a decade earlier

in 1947? Sen would have been 14 years old.  

with my reading about the “show trials” and the Stalinist purges,

which killed 'Chatto'- a fellow Bengali 

including the treatment of Bukharin, the leading Leninist philosopher of his time, whose writings I knew well. So I did not see a sudden break in what was happening – only a change in what was being officially admitted.

Some British Communists, because of their Intelligence links, knew a lot about Stalinist excesses. They prepared their proteges for the revelations which were in the pipeline. 


In October and November 1956, as the shock of the Twentieth Congress was being absorbed by left­wing circles, the Hungarian upris­ing against Soviet rule occurred and was brutally suppressed by the Soviet Army. The Communist Party of India failed to denounce Soviet authoritarianism in the way various other communist parties (the Italian party in particular) had and it was becoming increasingly clear that the days of a united Leninist Communist movement in the world were coming to an end.

The Italian Communist party did not condemn the invasion of Hungary. Many Italians did leave the party, however.  

I was disturbed by the brutality of the Hun­garian suppression as well as by the shocking revelations in Khrushchev’s denunciation at the Twentieth Congress. The questions now being raised seemed to me to be issues that should have been addressed much earlier. While I was never in the Communist Party (nor ever tempted to join it), I did think that class­ based militancy had a very positive role to play in India, plagued as the country had been by long­standing inequalities and inequities.

The Workers & Peasants party had formed a Government in Bengal in 1937. There were plenty of such outfits in India. 

In that context, I tried to argue that the ability of a Communist Party to be effective and con­structive would be much enhanced if it took on seriously the kind of pro­democracy questions that were at last being aired in the 1950s.

The CPI had given up armed struggle. It participated in all post-Independence elections.  

The Communist movement in India did eventually take up the issue of its compatibility with India’s political democracy, and, while the process of response was painfully slow, it was good that the shocks of 1956 and later remained present in the political debates in the coun­ try.

Sen is delusional. The CPI had no choice but to enter electoral politics. Armed struggle was a ticket to jail or the grave. The Moscow-Beijing split caused a split in the CPI. But both sides supported Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia in '68. 

If India abstained from condemning Soviet Invasions of Hungary, Czechoslovakia or Afghanistan, why the fuck would Communist parties do so?  

However, unlike the Communist parties in China, Vietnam and Cuba, the Indian party never became powerful enough to be a decisive political force,

it ruled West Bengal for 30 years.  

and it split several times, first in 1964.

By 1967, a Communist was able to do quite a bit of land reform in West Bengal because he was Land Revenue Minister.  

Perhaps if Sen had remained at Jadavpur he would have joined the CPM and held Ministerial office. It so happened that he got a Prize Fellowship for four years & decided to return to Cambridge. Later he was at the Delhi School of Economics and thus could not personally witness the rise to power of the CPM in Calcutta. Later, like Bhagvati, he fell in love with a colleague at DSE and had to leave the country to get a divorce. In the West, his work would necessarily be didactic and abstract. Thus, unlike a Manmohan, or Minhas, he could not acquire direct knowledge of why and how techniques should be chosen. Chinese Communism had a learning curve. It may be that Communism in Bengal could have improved over time. I'm kidding. Communism in Bengal was Bengali- i.e. crap.