Sunday, 1 November 2026

The Economist wrong on Modi

Currently, Modi faces no challenges, in parliament, in the courts, or at the polls. Street protests have failed to gain transaction. Rahul's INDIA alliance has been left with egg on its face because it was unable to fill all the seats at the Ramlila maidan today. 

Modi lost his majority in the central parliament in 2024 but, since then, has increased his party's tally in the States. West Bengal was a historic win. The BJP runs 21 states which is 72% of India. If they retain UP in March of next year, they go into the General Election in pole position, more particularly if delimitation is implemented by then.

The Economist, for some reason, takes a gloomy view of Modi & the BJP's prospects. Sadly it is based on wishful thinking

| 25 years of Modi
Narendra Modi and the battle for India
India’s strongman has changed the country for good and ill. Now he is facing one of his sternest tests yet

Yogi is facing a test in UP. If he wins for a third time, he can be projected Modi's natural succesor- perhaps with Amit Shah managing the transition. The 2030s belong to him. 

Does Modi face a vote of confidence? No. If his government falls, elections will be called. He will win. What about the courts? Is there any sword of Damocles dangling over his head, there? No. It is Rahul who faces charges under the Money Laundering Act. 


IN EARLY OCTOBER India’s cabinet issued 11 pages of gushing praise to mark their leader’s quarter of a century in public office. As chief minister of Gujarat, a rich western state, then as prime minister, Narendra Modi had transformed “the lives of every citizen”, earning “unwavering support”. His dedication and honesty showed “the strength of India’s democracy”.

Nothing wrong with that. BJP will retain Gujarat. Will they also retain UP? The latest survey says yes. Like Bihar, voters don't want to go back to criminalised politics under a caste based, dynastic, party.  

A month of celebrations was organised to mark Mr Modi’s silver jubilee, including exhibitions, tree-planting and grassroots events. It has not gone quite to plan.

It has gone exactly to plan. The core supporters are happy. Are they also enraged with Rahul & protests against the deletion of Muslim non-citizens from the electoral role? Probably. T

Throughout October India has been gripped by protest, as unrest over the leak of an exam erupted into a broader anti-Modi movement.

That's over. Now, the demand is for the resignation of the Election Commissioner.  

Gen Z activists, student groups and opposition parties accuse Mr Modi and his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of rigging elections, and are agitating for education reform and jobs.

But they don't have the numbers. The opposition said there would be a million people at the protest today. The actual number looks closer to 40,000. 

The 76-year-old strongman has appeared unsure how to respond.

Will Rahul hang himself on the 'votes for Bangladeshi Muslims' question?  

At times he has tried to mollify activists, notably by sacrificing his education minister in July.

The Education Ministery fucked up. Pradhan may have wanted to return to Odisha in any case.  

Now he is cracking down on them. In Delhi the authorities cut off the mobile internet, cancelled trains and blocked roads while police detained thousands of protesters, beating them with sticks. All of it has been streamed around the world.

All of this is popular with Modi's core supporters- not to mention ordinary Delhites. The condemnation of the NYT or the Economist, angers Indian nationalists and helps the BJP.  

Mr Modi still has strong support, particularly among older voters.

He won big in Bihar which has a youthful demographic.  

His ideology remains potent. Though opposition parties are now more unified, they lack organisational muscle and are yet to offer a coherent alternative.

i.e. Rahul is a moon-calf. However, Priyanka is looking good. Maybe she and Akhilesh can win in UP. That's what really matters. 

Still, the unrest on the streets is a striking challenge to Mr Modi’s rule

it can be easily crushed. The farmer's protest was a different kettle of fish.  

—both to a governing model that is no longer meeting many Indians’ aspirations, and to strong-arm methods that have closed down other avenues for opposition.

If 'opposition' means creating a nuisance, close down its avenues by all means. One worrying development is the victory of the film star Vijay in Tamil Nadu. The older dynastic parties may be displaced by charismatic youngsters. The BJP, however, is a cadre based party.  

That makes it a good moment to reflect on Mr Modi’s 25 years in office. What kind of India has emerged under him?

One in which Rahul's stupidity hurts only his party. Akhilesh, however, is smart. It was he who should get the most credit for BJP losing its majority.  

And what does his record suggest he will do next?

If the BJP wins in UP, Yogi will be promoted as the likely successor if this is helpful in the Hindi belt. Delimitation will go ahead a will the RBI's plans for getting big companies to go public, deepening nd strenghtening Indian financial markets. Strategic investment programs will go ahead. If, however, Akhilesh wins, the party will focus on welfare programs to bribe the voter.  

Mr Modi’s arrival on the political stage was heralded by

an internal tussle within the BJP Gujarat unit. 

an earthquake, which in January 2001 tore through Kutch in his native Gujarat, killing more than 20,000. The BJP’s ailing chief minister responded haplessly. His party installed a trusted apparatchik—a bearded, bespectacled 51-year-old who had never before stood for public office, let alone built a mass following. Few expected him to last long.

He didn't do conventional 'mandala' politics- i.e. keep his enemies close so thaat their enemies, outise the circle, would harrass them. Instead he acted like a CEO picking his Cabinet team on the basis of merit. Unexpectedly, he was able to deliver cheap (rather than free) electricity for farmers and then focussed on getting them Narmada water. Gujarat had balanced 10 percent growth in both agriculture and industry. Hindu-Muslim riots, which are bad for trade, were crushed. 

He almost did not, as a result of horrific religious violence that took place in Gujarat the next year.

He benefitted from it. Muslims killed Hindu pilgrims. They would cease to have any role in Gujarati politics. This meant that the Congress KHAM formula (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, Muslim) became unworkable. The casualty was Shankarsinh Vaghela- an RSS senior colleague of Modi who had gone over to Congress. The vitriol poured on Modi- as well as the Visa ban- meant he cornered the Nationalist vote.  

After a group of Hindu pilgrims was burned to death on a train, vigilante mobs went on the rampage; more than 1,000 people died, most of them Muslims. Mr Modi never accepted responsibility or apologised for the bloodshed on his watch

being known as a killer of Muslim murderers is very popular in a mainly kaffir country. Ahmed Patel, Sonia Gandhi's advisor, warned against this disastrous strategy. Virtue signal about minorities by all means but, if they are seen as a murderous bunch, keep your distance from them.   

—instead, at an election later that year, he inflamed tensions with communal speeches. The BJP won a landslide. He has since won five elections in a row, two more in Gujarat and three nationally.

Why? He appeals to the majority community. That's a good thing in a democracy. It must be said, if Rahul had pushed aside Manmohan & led his party into the 2014 election, he would have got a majority. The lion of Gir would have roared, but the BJP would have put up Advani, who was twice Rahul's age.  

One confidant from the early days attributes Mr Modi’s remarkable ascent to his long training touring villages as a foot-soldier in the RSS, a Hindu-volunteer group. “His advantage has always been his grasp of the average Indian’s psyche, their hopes and fears,” he says.

Fortunately for Modi & the BJP, Rahul's psyche is that of a cry-baby.  

Steeped in Hindu-revivalist ideology, Mr Modi was particularly attuned to the victimhood many Hindus felt over policies that they believed had unfairly prioritised Muslims.

Kaffirs don't like being slaughtered by Jihadi nutjobs. America killed 1.3 million Muslims in revenge for 9/11.  

In Gujarat he established a governing model. Styling himself as a

technocrat like Manmohan 

Hindu hardliner and a “development man”, he aggressively courted foreign investment and forged close links with industrialists.

But when farmers changed their mind about handing over land, Modi cancelled the project. He knew that he was answerable to farmers, not industrialists in Mumbai.  

He offered businesses land, tax breaks and subsidies. He kept the police, the courts and party cadres under tight control. All the while he projected an image of himself as uniquely incorruptible: ascetic, celibate and without a family to enrich.

This was the RSS ethos. It is likely that the anti-corruption movement of Anna Hazare succeeded because of RSS help.  

As prime minister, Mr Modi applied this model to India. A country of 1.45bn is, in effect, ruled by a few dozen people in the prime minister’s office and around Amit Shah,

a possible successor. But he comes from a rich family & the suspicion will be that he has unjustly enriched it. Yogi & Modi, are celibate.  

the home minister and Mr Modi’s longtime enforcer and strategist.

The country should be ruled by nice Italian lady- right?  

Many in Delhi say that Mr Modi is rarely challenged, and cabinet ministers take direction. So do BJP chief ministers.

Oddly, he faces less pushback than even Nehru in his prime. But that is because he does sensible things.  

Only twice before has India had such a dominant leader.

Only once before. That was Nehru.  

The first was Jawaharlal Nehru, who over 17 years as prime minister forged a newly independent India as a secular democracy inspired by socialist economic thinking.

The country became unable to feed or defend itself.  

The second was his daughter, Indira Gandhi, who took India leftward during her 16 years in office, often ruling as a populist authoritarian.

Her situation was always precarious. She never knew when a loyalist would turn on her. That's the problem with being a dynast. You have sycophants not genuine supporters. Still, if Modi loses his touch, he will be dumped as unceremoniously as Vajpayee or Advani.  

One other point. Dynastic autocracy is tempered by assassination. Indira and Rajiv were killed. There's a good reason why Rahul did not want to be PM. 

Mr Modi, born into poverty, defined himself against these figures. By promoting a mixture of Hindu-nationalism, pro-business reform and welfarism, he reduced their once-mighty party, Congress, to a husk.

Indira did that when she made it dynastic. Rajiv & Rahul have no political instincts.  

Like Gandhi, though, he took a firm grip over his party, the media and institutions, and built a personality cult.

No. The RSS remains independent. Modi is good at his job and thus retains support. Once he starts fucking up, he will be dumped. Can Yogi (who isn't an RSS man) be his successor? Yes, if he gets a third term.  

“Even Indira never had this level of control,” says Neelanjan Sircar, a political scientist.

Indira didn't have his core competence. Moreover, she didn't have an Amit Shah.  


Chart: The Economist

What this chart shows is that the BJP continues to rise. No wonder the Opposition are running around like cockroaches. 

The plight of the Left is particularly pathetic. The last time no Indian State was ruled by a Communist party was in 1977.  

The BJP’s formidable political machine was on show in May when the party unseated Mamata Banerjee, the chief minister of West Bengal, a populous eastern state.

Bangladeshi Muslim infiltration was a big issue. But it was Mamta's nepotism which doomed her. It must be said, the Bengal victory is particularly significant, since the RSS was inspired by the Bengali Anushilan Samiti revolutionaries.  

More than 70% of Indians now live in a state run by the BJP (see chart 1). Yet five months on, Mr Modi is facing the most difficult test of his premiership.

Where? In Parliament? No. The Courts? No. At the border? No. On some streets in the Capital? No. The Opposition simply doesn't have the numbers.  

“The BJP is in its strongest and its weakest position simultaneously,” says Rahul Verma of Shiv Nadar University, Chennai. It has never ruled more of the country, nor has it faced such fatigue and open discontent.

Why did it win elections in Bihar and Bengal earlier this year? Why do surveys say it will keep UP?  

To see what kind of country Mr Modi has made, consider his impact in three areas: the economy,

Ministerial corruption appears to have been curbed in BJP ruled States 

society and democracy.

The Economist doesn't get that Dynasticism is not Democratic. At one time, people said Varun and Maneka Gandhi, on behalf of the BJP, would challenge Sonia & Rahul. But Varun is now out of politics. The BJP brings forward fresh faced non-dynasts wherever possible.  

On the first he has been a moderniser, though not the reformer many had hoped for. In 2014 he inherited plans for a national digital-identity and -payment system and a goods-and-services tax, to replace 17 state-level taxes. Weaker, coalition governments—long the norm before Mr Modi—had struggled to implement such changes. Mr Modi used top-down power to force them through, a massive achievement.

How do you use bottom-up power to implement Central Government schemes?  

The result has been to knit India together with a stronger internal market, in which almost all Indians can access services and make payments online. The national highway network is 60% longer than it was when Mr Modi took power and rural households enjoy 22.6 hours of electricity a day, up from 12.5. Voters have been given free grain, electricity connections and cooking gas. Direct cash transfers have cut graft and reduced poverty, forging a direct link between Mr Modi and the poor.

To be fair, all parties now understand the importance of infrastructure, cash transfers, & 'last mile delivery'.  

Pro-business more than pro-market, Mr Modi

needs to save Indian family owned businesses from their own propensity for internecine feuds

has tilted India towards a model of national capitalism.

Recent events have shown that there is no other choice for 'middle' powers.  

Since Gujarat his rise has been bound up with that of Gautam Adani,

whose family got their first break under Rajiv Gandhi. All littoral states need ports & Adani appears to be good at building and maintaining them. He has plenty of projects in Congress or even Communist ruled states. The reason he is linked to Modi was because, like other Gujarat based, entrepreneurs, he wanted to diminish the power of the Mumbai based 'old money' firms. But, over time, Mumbai too was won over by Modi. 

Interestingly, the US Secretary of State recently came to India to meet Mukesh Ambani. It appears, even the Americans need Indian industrialists.  

who has built an empire spanning ports, airports, energy and defence. Tycoons like Mr Adani have, like Mr Modi, got hard things done and helped the economy grow—by around 6% a year (similar to before Mr Modi came to power). The Reserve Bank of India has largely kept inflation in check, too, avoiding the gyrations that undid previous prime ministers. Mr Modi has been unusually fiscally prudent.

More needs to be done to deepen and widen Indian financial markets and to improve Corporate Governance.  

But the rewards have been top-heavy. The tycoons have done as well as ever.

Unless, like Anil Ambani, they have gone bankrupt.  

Mr Adani’s wealth has risen from $7bn in 2014 to more than $100bn.
Anil Ambani's wealth went from $42 billion in 2008 (when he was the 6th-richest person in the world) to effectively zero or negative by 2020.
Rural workers have not. Their real wages, which typically grew by 6% a year between 2006 and 2014, have since grown by 1%.

They may have declined. We really don't know.  

Salaried workers have done worse still: adjusting for inflation, average pay for this group, accounting for around a quarter of the Indian workforce,

They have done very well in Tamil Nadu which is 60 percent salaried. The Dravidian model has worked. Maybe North India needs an Aryan model with Muslims replacing Brahmins as the villains of the story. 

has fallen by 5% since 2017 (see chart 2).
Chart: The Economist

This is meaningless. You have to look at each State separately.    

Mr Modi’s failure was that he abandoned deeper land and agriculture reforms when they triggered mass protests

They can be done at the State level- as the Constitution envisaged. 

. Ironically, giving in to that discontent has helped lead to the discontent now.

No. The Government sent a signal that it would put the farmer's first- i.e. tell the Americans to go fuck themselves.

There is no real discontent now. There is some careerist opportunism on the one hand & a rather pathetic attempt by the Left to rally its few remaining cadres. Rahul's histrionics are a separate matter. The hope is that his coalition partners will accept that voters are accepting him as a credible Prime Ministerial face. If so Akhilesh can say 'vote for me as CM and, in 2029, Rahul as PM, Inshallah!' But if Akhilesh loses in March, it will be a case of 'three strikes and you are out'. The age of the dynast (save in Jharkhand & J&K) will come to a close. 

Despite steady growth, Mr Modi has not achieved the economic transformation he desired (and of which his cabinet boasts). The share of workers in agriculture has remained stubbornly at two-fifths; the share in manufacturing has grown only a little. Though India has been covered in shiny roads, informal labour remains ubiquitous. A huge expansion in higher education has not been matched by growth in salaried jobs, suppressing wages and creating a large cohort of frustrated youngsters.

The Hindi belt needs to learn from Tamil Nadu. The obsession with reservations has to end. There just aren't enough public sector jobs to make even the tiniest dent on the problem. What we are seeing at various protest sites is that casual labourers earn more than graduates. They can afford to take a day off to attend the protest and then go back to work. The wannabe cockroach isn't going to turn into a Social Media influencer or 'political strategist'. He has wasted his parent's money & will have to take any sort of work that he can get.  

“What we are seeing is Modi reaching the limits of his governing model,” says Pratap Bhanu Mehta, a former vice-chancellor of Ashoka University near Delhi.

No. What we are seeing is the beginning of the end of the Modi era. The man is 76. If Yogi wins, there is an obvious successor. But he may not want to shift to Delhi. Can the BJP find a second 'Modi-Shah' jugalandhi? I don't know. Maybe they will go for a technocratic Cabinet, if they win in 2029. After all, it is CMs, not PMs, who really make a difference.  

He has been able to push through big changes that require raw executive power. But he has failed in areas that require consensus-building or systemic reform.

So has everybody else. You can't have a consensus unless people want to agree.  


The change to Indian society, the second area, has been more dramatic. Under Mr Modi India has become more brash, nationalistic and Hindu, and, bluntly, a more forbidding place for the country’s 200m Muslims (just under a seventh of the population).

Hindus are the majority. Virtue signalling is all very well but it doesn't win votes.  

This is the most controversial part of his legacy. It is also where opposition to Mr Modi has been least effective.

Because Hindus are the majority- d'uh!  

The most visible change is that Mr Modi has fused religious nationalism with politics.

This happened in the 1890s thanks to Tilak & Vivekananda & the Arya Samaj. 

As prime minister he has regularly taken part in ceremonies and rituals—above all the consecration of the Ram Temple on the site of a former mosque in Ayodhya, fulfilling a decades-long campaign. The BJP has pushed through citizenship laws and begun to overhaul Muslim family law. Although the word “secular” remains in the constitution, Mr Modi has damaged the principle that India is a republic that treats all religions equally.

Nehru did lots of ethnic cleansing. Oddly, under Indira & Rajiv, Sikhs got it in the neck. Muslims were laughing their heads off.  


This is unlikely to be reversed. “Hindutva [Hindu-ness] is still a powerful magnet for the middle class,” says Rajdeep Sardesai, a TV anchor and political analyst.

Hinduism is a magnet for Hindus. Sardesai is a friggin genius.  

BJP chief ministers have emulated Mr Modi—and taken his ideology to new extremes. Opposition politicians have joined in “temple hopping” and “soft Hindutva”. The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), the youth movement at the centre of the protests, has notably steered clear of religious issues.

Because it is just a couple of AAM party hacks seeking to build careers as 'political strategists' or 'influencers'. The thing is a silly season story.  

Since his fateful first year as chief minister in Gujarat, Mr Modi has fostered a culture of permissiveness around anti-Muslim bigotry and violence.

Everyone became bigoted after 9/11. Only the Americans took the trouble to invade Muslim countries and desecrate the Quran while sexually abusing Arab men.   

BJP politicians call Muslims “infiltrators” and “encroachers” and issue threats against them.

Which has caused them to win West Bengal & those North Eastern States where this is an issue. Interestingly Owaisi's outfit won some seats in Bihar. But this was because of disgruntled elements kept out of Rahul's coalition. It is doubtful that he can accomplish much in UP.  

Communal violence has continued to fall from its peak in the 1980s, a period marred by regular bloody riots. But there has been a rise in targeted attacks on Muslims by vigilante groups, which often meet with impunity. This will be the most damaging part of Mr Modi’s legacy—and it, too, will be difficult to reverse.

It is wholly inconsequential. Nobody gives a shit about rural mobs running amok.  

Chart: The Economist

Why is Modi's current coalition so stable? The answer is that, if elections are called, the BJP is expected to win by a landslide.  


With his blend of modernisation and religious nationalism, Mr Modi has been remarkably successful at unifying the Hindu vote. But how long can that go on if voters fret about the economy?

The problem is they may think Rahul would be worse in every way than Modi or Shah or Rajnath or Fadnavis. Yogi has been keeping a low profile but he is 54- two years younger than Rahul. Fadnavis is the same age as Rahul & is a good Hindi speaker but, though a 'Nagpur boy', he is not seen as a Hindu harliner. Also, he is a Brahmin. Yogi has broader appeal.  

In the national election in 2024, voters angry about jobs turned away from the BJP, forcing Mr Modi to govern in coalition (see chart 3).

No. The Opposition had effective seat sharing. Akhilesh did good candidate selection. BJP messaging was poor. Many Dalits believed the story that Modi would end reservations. But the biggest problem was candidate selection. Too many turn-coats were given seats. Booth management suffered because local party workers felt let down. 

A cynic might say, Modi needs Rahul to stay in politics. It is the unelectability of that hysterical moon-calf which makes him look so good by comparison. The problem is Modi's age. India did once have an 80 year old Gujarati as PM. But Morarji was a fucking disaster.  

Praveen Chakravarty, an MP who leads polling for Congress, claims that age is now the main electoral dividing line, with under 30s—who make up almost 30% of eligible voters—turning against Mr Modi.

But it is still poorer women who will determine the outcome.  


The focus of those on the street is the third area: Mr Modi’s handling of elections

They are handles by an independent Election Commission. The problem is, if Modi's supporters are in the majority, they will be happy if they think he is smart enough to have stolen the election.  

and institutions. Protesters accuse him of “stealing democracy” through a voter-verification process called the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), under which more than 130m names were removed from draft voter rolls.

Why are dead people not being allowed to vote?  The fact is, if you are on the electoral roll, you are grateful for voter suppression since your vote now counts for more. 

Still, if saying the election was stolen worked for Trump, shy should Stalin & Mamta & Rahul not take up the cry? 

On October 14th Abhijeet Dipke, leader of the CJP,

formerly of an anti-corruption party which imploded because of accusations of corruption 

sardonically compared the circumstances with “the Emergency”, a period when Gandhi cancelled elections, locked up political opponents and clamped down on the press: “Declare Emergency officially,” he said.

Why not say 'invade Poland' ? It would make as much sense.

The last revision of electoral rolls took place more than two decades ago, so one was overdue. The number of removals this time was much higher than before, at least some of which might be explained by higher internal migration or voters dying. Mr Modi’s defenders argue that only a small fraction of the 130m were eligible voters.

If the EC fucked up, let there be a proper inquiry into it. It is very difficult to impeach an Election Commisioner and he has immunity from prosecution. But, the Bench can reverse ultra vires rules they have made.  


The problem is the way the process has been carried out, which has been rushed, opaque and—true to form—centralised.

because the Election Commission is a central body with independent constitutional status. The same is true of the Supreme Court.  

Millions who were wrongly removed were not given a proper chance to appeal, leaving them disenfranchised (when appeals were completed, the vast majority were successful). Whereas previous exercises have been run by state and local operators,

i.e. the ruling party could rig things 

this one was run centrally from Delhi, using software that allowed little transparency about who had been removed and why.

If the EC becomes timid, the BJP can entrench itself in 72 percent of the country.  

To some, this is proof that Mr Modi is a would-be dictator who will break Indian democracy to cling to power. That is going too far. The SIR process has been murky, but there is no evidence that it has swung elections. The argument that Mr Modi holds power because he steals votes skims over the way the opposition has struggled to offer a more compelling alternative.

If the alternative to Modi is, the moon-calf, Rahul, the Opposition is bound to struggle. The bigger problem is that the INDIA bloc is ideologically very diverse. It includes Maoists like Neha Bohra, Islamists from the Muslim League, Dravidian chauvinists, Maratha chaunvinists, & various caste based dynastic parties. It is difficult to imagine a Cabinet composed of such disparate elements agreeing on anything at all- more particularly if the moon-calf presides over it. 


SIR is better seen as an extreme example of Mr Modi’s strong-arm tactics.

It has nothing to do with him. The Election Commission is independent.  

His government has extended control over Supreme Court appointments, weakening the independence of the judiciary,

No. The Collegium remains intact.  

and has cowed the once-combative Indian media with a combination of takeovers and hostile investigations.

The media will be just as combative as the CM of the State in which they are in wants them to be. Thankfully, the Media doesn't matter very much.  

It has similarly used the state to tie political opponents in legal knots. In all, Mr Modi has abused his powers more ruthlessly and over a longer period than any other Indian leader (though Indira Gandhi did suspend democracy, after 21 months she pulled back from the brink, called elections, and was voted out.)

No. Modi has abused power less because he is not a dynast. Sooner or later, he will be turned out to pasture like Vajpayee or Advani. Go by the book and the Courts can't throw the book at you. Anyone can allege anything. Proof is a different matter. Narasimha Roa was sentenced to jail for 3 years though this was overturned on appeal.  

And yet, Indian democracy is more resilient than many make out. The country is vast, diverse and noisy; competitive elections, while flawed, are ingrained. The scandal over SIR has shown that Indians remain deeply attached to their vote,

Hindus are deeply attached to ther heads. They don't want them to be chopped off during the course of demographich replacement. 

and that the media are still capable of holding the government to account. They have put pressure on the Supreme Court and the Electoral Commission of India to improve the appeals process for excluded voters.

There was pressure on them to get rid of bogus voters and non-citizens.That too will continue.  

This is a pattern in other democracies, says Milan Vaishnav of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a think-tank. “When you have a very strong leader, they can bend institutions to their will,” he says. “But when their popularity begins to fade, institutions tend to bounce back.”

The reverse is the case. If the leader is weak, institutions can't do shit. Why? The political will to enforce the decisions of the institution is lacking. Thus the Court may issue an arrest warrant for a gangster. The police won't act upon it because they don't want to be killed. The gangster rapes the Judge's wife. After that the Bench is quiet. The Home Minister blames the spinelessness of the CM. The CM blames the PM. Institutions become a joke. 

What about a strong leader who, for some reason, prefers to act through existing institutions. They may gain the appearance of effectiveness. But, an appearance is all that it is. 

Perhaps Vaishnav means that a strong leader prevents rival power centres from coming into being. But, in a parliamentary democracy, political power is the monopoly of the Cabinet. Part of the job of the Executive is to enforce the rulings of the Judiciary. But a weak Executive can't do this. 


Mr Modi has never faced stronger headwinds.

They were stronger in 2024. Now, he has West Bengal. His party's footprint is expanding. Rahul is happy he has Kerala. This has boosted his confidence. But, if Yogi wins big in UP, the future will belong to the younger man. 

At 76 he is—whisper many in Delhi—showing signs of ageing.

At 76, he is old. Full stop. There is no need to whisper it.  

Still, he is unlikely to back down or change his approach.

His approach does not matter. Yogi's does. I think this means doubling down on law & order. More bulldozer justice. I suppose the next election in UP will be the last before caste census results are known. Whatever their outcome, the issue of reservations will dominate the politics of 2028/29.  

Instead, he will continue to try to divide and weaken the opposition.

Put up the Cockroaches to split the INDIA vote? That would be a waste of money.  

In private, officials say ministers have been rattled by the way a handful of kids with smartphones have seized the agenda.

Which officials? Ones who are imaginary? I supose so.  

They will aim to stop the youth protests gathering steam by keeping leaders in custody or tied up in the courts, and channel discontent into opposition parties, which they are more comfortable fighting.

The BJP rules Delhi. They need to crush cockroaches. Rahul is the Leader of the Opposition. He is entitled to stage his little dramas.  

It is not clear such tactics will work. So far protesters have turned crackdowns into viral clips. Attempts to brand the CJP—who wrap themselves in the Indian flag and talk of constitutional rights—as “anti-nationals” have failed. Mr Modi cannot easily take the sting out of the movement, as he did in 2021 by dropping the reforms that had angered farmers; many in his party regard more concessions as a slippery slope. But stifling legitimate dissent will also cause pressure to build.

Farmers genuinely exist. They have a lot of votes. Cockroaches don't really exist- at least as a political force.  

The prime minister may look to shift the political debate onto more comfortable terrain. He could dial up the Hindu-nationalist rhetoric. Or suddenly table a controversial bill, say on delimitation, a thorny issue involving the allocation of parliamentary seats between states.

That will happen automatically on the basis of the census. Nobody has the numbers to block or dilute it.  

The BJP will try to paint Rahul Gandhi, the grandson of Indira and leader of the Congress party who heads the opposition alliance, as a street agitator who wants “regime change” without winning elections.

Just stick to calling him 'Pappu'. At some point, the BJP will have to get behind Yogi in a big way. The UP election is simply too important.  

The underlying sources of discontent—education, jobs, wages

which became sources of discontent in the 1890s 

—will fester. But the opposition will need to show that it has better answers. Mr Gandhi often speaks as if the mood had already turned decisively (and he had not lost three elections in a row). “We are going to destroy them,” he said of Mr Modi and Mr Shah at a rally on October 6th. So far, Mr Modi’s approval ratings have only dipped. Some voters dislike the BJP’s authoritarianism,

No. Lack of authority is what is disliked. Modi is authoritative enough but not an autocrat. That's why nobody is trying to kill him.  

but also worry about how an unwieldy coalition led by Congress, which has moved to the left under Mr Gandhi, would govern.

It will be shit. Then it will implode.  

The next big test will come in the spring with elections in several states, including the largest, BJP-run Uttar Pradesh. That one looks to be tight. If the BJP wins, it will claim that Mr Modi’s enduring popularity has been proved and the opposition are sore losers. If it loses, it will be the surest sign that Mr Modi’s appeal is waning.

It will be a sign that there are internal problems. The Party has said that candidate selection will be on the basis of winnability but everybody says that.  

For Mr Modi the risk now would be to believe what his outriders say—that the protests are just a small group of anarchists and anti-nationals who do not reflect Indians’ real grievances.

That is the case. The youth are not a cohesive voting block. My guess is Yogi will offer a big payout for poor women early next year.  

For the opposition it is the reverse: to believe that a few months of street action mean that Mr Modi is in terminal decline.

Priyanka seems sensible enough. Maybe she can do a good seat-sharing deal with Akhilesh.  

Over 25 years he has proved remarkably resilient. He is not going to go down without a fight.

He is going to bow out gracefully. कालो हि दुरतिक्रमः- Age is the enemy which can't be conquered. If he falls ill, Shah takes over & there is a sympathy factor. But if he remains in good health, it would be wise to build up a younger leader from a different part of India as the heir apparent. 

Perhaps Shah will stay on to ease the transition. He is 62- ten years older than Yogi- and has tremendous organisational experience. Maybe, Yogi has his own Amit. What is certain is that the only way you get good at governance is by actually doing it rather, like Rahul, running your own mock parliament and conducting mock impeachments. 


Weber's Luther calling from the loo

 Max Weber wrote as follows of

LUTHER’S CONCEPTION OF THE CALLING

Luther believed Jesus was God. He called to many, but few were chosen. Everyone was welcome to feel they were called to God even if their lot in life was miserable. They were still part of God's mysterious economy even if they suffered from leprosy and their limbs kept falling off. But Ordination would be reserved for a few whose 'vocation' was accepted by the Church. 

This was pretty much the conception of all the other Christians. 

Task of the investigation Now it is unmistakable that even in the German word Beruf, and perhaps still more clearly in the English calling, a religious conception, that of a task set by God, is at least suggested.

No. In the parable, the calling is to a wedding feast. I don't suppose the priest celebrating Mass thinks himself on a par with a dude flipping burgers.  

The more emphasis is put upon the word in a concrete case, the more evident is the connotation. And if we trace the history of the word through the civilized languages, it appears that neither the predominantly Catholic peoples nor those of classical antiquity have possessed any expression of similar connotation for what we know as a calling (in the sense of a life-task, a definite field in which to work), while one has existed for all predominantly Protestant peoples.

I suppose the Protestant priest, being a married man, has to think of his stipend and pension arrangements. Medicine came to be seen as a vocation- similar to that of the priest. Why? The nature of the profession is inherently noble. Lawyers, on the other hand, may be consummate professionals but we doubt they are any better than they ought to be. Judges or members of a jury are a different matter. They are 'as Gods' in that they are meant to act dispassionately.  

It may be further shown that this is not due to any ethnical peculiarity of the languages concerned. It is not, for instance, the product of a Germanic spirit, but in its modern meaning the word comes from the Bible translations, through the spirit of the translator, not that of the original.

It is the idea that there is an invisible hand- God's mysterious economy- which puts people into different stations in life.  But this is merely the workings of the Katechon which keeps the End of days at bay. 

In Luther’s translation of the Bible it appears to have first been used at a point in Jesus Sirach (xi. 20 and 21) precisely in our modern sense.
Verse 20: "Stand by your agreement and attend to it, and grow old in your work." (or "Stand by your duty and stick to it; grow old at your work" in the GNT) 
Verse 21: "Do not wonder at the works of a sinner, but trust in the Lord and keep at your job, for it is easy in the sight of the Lord to make the poor person suddenly rich, in an instant." 

Luther uses 'beruf' for 'work' and 'arbeit' for 'job'.  A person has one job but many 'berufe'- callings- e.g. being a Dad, a deacon in the church, as well as being a dentist. 
After that it speedily took on its present meaning in the everyday speech of all Protestant peoples, while earlier not even a suggestion of such a meaning could be found in the secular literature of any of them, and even, in religious writings, so far as I can ascertain, it is only found in one of the German mystics whose influence on Luther is well known.

 The Douai (Catholic) Bible has- 

Be steadfast in thy covenant, and be conversant therein, and grow old in the work of thy commandments."
& "Abide not in the works of sinners. But trust in God, and stay in thy place."
The Greek Orthodox version is similar. The Greek word διαθήκη  meaning a covenant, testament, or formal agreement. Since we don't bargain with the Lord, it follows that this is something we are called to by those with spiritual authority over us. 
Like the meaning of the word, the idea is new, a product of the Reformation.

It originates in God's covenant with Noah whose symbol is the rainbow.  

This may be assumed as generally known. It is true that certain suggestions of the positive valuation of routine activity in the world, which is contained in this conception of the calling, had already existed in the Middle Ages, and even in late Hellenistic antiquity. We shall speak of that later. But at least one thing was unquestionably new: the valuation of the fulfilment of duty in worldly affairs as the highest form which the moral activity of the individual could assume.

This is eusebia or pietas or, in India, dharma. It is older than recorded history.  

This it was which inevitably gave every-day worldly activity a religious significance,

Which it always had. There were rituals connected with every occupation and activity.  

and which first created the conception of a calling in this sense.

It is the essence of the Gospel. Most of the Apostles worked with their hands. At the time of Eusebius, a 'dual-track' was created with the higher track involving a dedicated monastic/ministerial life.

The conception of the calling thus brings out that central dogma of all Protestant denominations which the Catholic division of ethical precepts into prœcepta and consilia discards.

It is the other way around. Calvin & Luther wanted a married clergy. They were discarding the consilia re. celibacy.  

The only way of living acceptably to God was not to surpass worldly morality in monastic asceticism, but

doing what Calvin or Luther told you to do coz they were super duper special. What of Apostolic succession? Calvinists don't have it. Some Lutheran Churches do as do the Anglicans.  

solely through the fulfilment of the obligations imposed upon the individual by his position in the world. That was his calling.

You are called to do what I tell you to do. If you don't, you will burn in hell. I don't care if you are celibate and spend your time washing the feet of lepers. You and your Pope are gonna have flaming pitchforks shoved up your bumhole for ever and ever.  

Luther developed the conception in the course of the first decade of his activity as a reformer. At first, quite in harmony with the prevailing tradition of the Middle Ages, as represented, for example, by Thomas Aquinas, he thought of activity in the world as a thing of the flesh, even though willed by God. It is the indispensable natural condition of a life of faith, but in itself, like eating and drinking, morally neutral.  But with the developmen of the conception of sola fide in all its consequences,

Luther had uttermost faith in his own super specialness. Also Jews should be killed.  

and its logical result, the increasingly sharp emphasis against the Catholic consilia evangelica of the monks as dictates of the devil, the calling grew in importance.

It was self-serving.  

The monastic life is not only quite devoid of value as a means of justification before God, but he also looks upon its renunciation of the duties of this world as the product of selfishness, withdrawing from temporal obligations.

It is selfish to deny your dick to a vagina. Let me tell you, vaginas are really really nice. Personally, I wouldn't want to have one but I am glad they exist.  

In contrast, labour in a calling appears to him as the outward expression of brotherly love.

If peasants wouldn't labour for the Lords, Luther would be on short commons. He urged the Princes to ' smite, slay & stab' the revolting peasants.  

This he proves by the observation that the division of labour forces every individual to work for others, but his view-point is highly naïve, forming an almost grotesque contrast to Adam Smith’s well-known statements on the same subject.

His view-point is coarse & brutal. This is a guy who thought a fart could keep away the devil. Sadly, Hitler- born a Catholic- outdid him. 

However, this justification, which is evidently essentially scholastic, soon disappears again, and there remains, more and more strongly emphasized, the statement that the fulfilment of worldly duties is under all circumstances the only way to live acceptably to God.

Please your prince & you please your priest. A convenient doctrine.  

It and it alone is the will of God, and hence every legitimate calling has exactly the same worth in the sight of God.

Because he has predestined some to damnation no matter how virtuous they are.  

That this moral justification of worldly activity was one of the most important results of the Reformation, especially of Luther’s part in it, is beyond doubt, and may even be considered a platitude.

Yet Germany stagnated after devastating wars of religion. 

This attitude is worlds removed from the deep hatred of Pascal, in his contemplative moods, for all worldly activity, which he was deeply convinced could only be understood in terms of vanity or low cunning.

No. He understood it as a diversion from the sort of shite he got up to.  "All of humanity's problems stem from man's inability to sit quietly in a room alone"

And it differs even more from the liberal utilitarian compromise with the world at which the Jesuits arrived.

It is boorish and German-all-too-German.  

But just what the practical significance of this achievement of Protestantism was in detail is dimly felt rather than clearly perceived. In the first place it is hardly necessary to point out that Luther cannot be claimed for the spirit of capitalism in the sense in which we have used that term above, or for that matter in any sense whatever.

But Weber will just go ahead and do so.  

The religious circles which today most enthusiastically celebrate that great achievement of the Reformation are by no means friendly to capitalism in any sense. And Luther himself would, without doubt, have sharply repudiated any connection with a point of view like that of Franklin. Of course, one cannot consider his complaints against the great merchants of his time, such as the Fuggers, as evidence in this case. For the struggle against the privileged position, legal or actual, of single great trading companies in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries may best be compared with the modern campaign against the trusts, and can no more justly be considered in itself an expression of a traditionalistic point of view.

In England, the Common Law, which opposes restraints on trade, is considered 'traditional'. Dyer's case dates from 1414. Justice Hull expressed outrage that the case had been brought at all. The suggestion was any restraint of trade had always been obnoxious in England. Lord Coke derived this rule from Greek speaking Druids!  

Against these people, against the Lombards, the monopolists, speculators, and bankers patronized by the Anglican Church and the kings and parliaments of England and France, both the Puritans and the Huguenots carried on a bitter struggle.

Nobody likes to pay more to a monopolist or a cartel.  

Cromwell, after the battle of Dunbar (September 1650), wrote to the Long Parliament: “Be pleased to reform the abuses of all professions: and if there be any one that makes many poor to make a few rich, that suits not a Commonwealth.”

Tudor monopolies were hated.  

But, nevertheless, we will find Cromwell following a quite specifically capitalistic line of thought.

Capitalism is about profit as the reward for risk taking. Monopolies are about captive rents.  

On the other hand, Luther’s numerous statements against usury or interest in any form reveal a conception of the nature of capitalistic acquisition which, compared with that of late Scholasticism, is, from a capitalistic view-point, definitely backward.

Because the guy was retarded.  

Especially, of course, the doctrine of the sterility of money which Anthony of Florence had already refuted. But it is unnecessary to go into detail.

The devil is in the detail and Luther's fart won't drive him away.  

For, above all, the consequences of the conception of the calling in the religious sense for worldly conduct were susceptible to quite different interpretations.

The one favoured by the guys getting the tithes was that the sun shone out of their backside. Whose farts are driving away the devil? Mine! Give me one tenth of your income and shut the fuck up.  

The effect of the Reformation as such was only that,

the Pope stopped getting money. Lots of valuable property changed hands. Then came religious wars &, for Germany, political fragmentation & economic stagnation.  

as compared with the Catholic attitude, the moral emphasis on and the religious sanction of, organized worldly labour in a calling was mightily increased. The way in which the concept of the calling, which expressed this change, should develop further depended upon the religious evolution which now took place in the different Protestant Churches.

Some were so consumed by fear of Hell fire that they went in for 'double predestination'- i.e. 'outward and visible' signs of election (e.g. becoming as rich as fuck). Anglicans were more relaxed about this.  

The authority of the Bible, from which Luther thought he had derived his idea of the calling, on the whole favoured a traditionalistic interpretation.

It favoured what came about in most parts of Protestant Europe- viz. Nation States with National Churches.

The Old Testament, in particular, though in the genuine prophets it showed no sign of a tendency to excel worldly morality, and elsewhere only in quite isolated rudiments and suggestions, contained a similar religious idea entirely in this traditionalistic sense.

Job starts off rich, then suffers poverty & disgrace. But, in the end, he gets back his wealth.  

Everyone should abide by his living and let the godless run after gain.

If a guy suddenly loses his wealth, it isn't necessarily because he was robbing widows and orphans and has been punished for it.  

That is the sense of all the statements which bear directly on worldly activities. Not until the Talmud is a partially, but not even then fundamentally, different attitude to be found.

Because the Jews were no longer an agricultural people.  

The personal attitude of Jesus is characterized in classical purity by the typical antique-Oriental plea: “Give us this day our daily bread.”

I have explained the philosophic depth of this saying elsewhere.  

The element of radical repudiation of the world, as expressed in the (disjunction between God and Mammon) excluded the possibility that the modern idea of a calling should be based on his personal authority.

No. You can serve God while gaining wealth and using it for some holy purpose.  

In the apostolic era as expressed in the New Testament, especially in St. Paul, the Christian looked upon worldly activity either with indifference, or at least essentially traditionalistically; for those first generations were filled with eschatological hopes. Since everyone was simply waiting for the coming of the Lord, there was nothing to do but remain in the station and in the worldly occupation in which the call of the Lord had found him, and labour as before.

Not necessarily. You could sell up, give your all to the poor, and follow Christ or his Apostle.  

Thus he would not burden his brothers as an object of charity, and it would only be for a little while. Luther read the Bible through the spectacles of his whole attitude; at the time and in the course of his development from about 1518 to 1530 this not only remained traditionalistic but became ever more so.

He was translating the Bible into, let's face it, a rather uncouth tongue.  

In the first years of his activity as a reformer he was, since he thought of the calling as primarily of the flesh, dominated by an attitude closely related, in so far as the form of world activity was concerned, to the Pauline eschatological indifference as expressed in 1 Cor. vii.17
Nevertheless, each person should live as a believer in whatever situation the Lord has assigned to them, just as God has called them. This is the rule I lay down in all the churches

If you were uncircumcised when you converted, stay that way. It is better to be celibate, but if you are married, don't commit adultery. 
One may attain salvation in any walk of life; on the short pilgrimage of life there is no use in laying weight on the form of occupation. The pursuit of material gain beyond personal needs must thus appear as a symptom of lack of grace,

this does not follow. If you make a lot of money & give it to the poor, chances are God really likes you.  

and since it can apparently only be attained at the expense of others, directly reprehensible.

Christianity's material gains came at the expense of other religions. That wasn't reprehensible at all. 

As he became increasingly involved in the affairs of the world, he came to value work in the world more highly. But in the concrete calling an individual pursued he saw more and more a special command of God to fulfil these particular duties which the Divine Will had imposed upon him.

He started off as a monk. Then, he married. God called him to sire six kids upon her.  

And after the conflict with the Fanatics and the peasant disturbances, the objective historical order of things in which the individual has been placed by God becomes for Luther more and more a direct manifestation of divine will.

He had six kids but not six wives. Divine Will often works the other way in those who concern themselves with it.  

The stronger and stronger emphasis on the providential element, even in particular events of life, led more and more to a traditionalistic interpretation based on the idea of Providence.

or fatalism.  

The individual should remain once and for all in the station and calling in which God had placed him, and should restrain his worldly activity within the limits imposed by his established station in life.

Also, he should not fuck my wife.  

While his economic traditionalism was originally the result of Pauline indifference, it later became that of a more and more intense belief in divine providence, which identified absolute obedience to God’s will with absolute acceptance of things as they were.

i.e. the fact that his people were getting the tithes.  

Weber's mother was a Calvinist of Hugenot stock. She appears to have suffered from some psychological malady. This prompts him to speak of 

...ethical peculiarities of Calvinism
A purely superficial glance shows that there is here quite a different relationship between the religious life and earthly activity than in either Catholicism or Lutheranism.

Some people are more prone to worry about Hell fire than others. This is true in every religion.  

Even in literature motivated purely by religious factors that is evident. Take for instance the end of the Divine Comedy, where the poet in Paradise stands speechless in his passive contemplation of the secrets of God,

Dante was in the troubador tradition. The beloved was the midons and love for her must be purely Platonic.  

and compare it with the poem which has come to be called the Divine Comedy of Puritanism.

Milton was writing in a different tradition- one where you married your beloved and had kids. Donne’s fusion of the spiritual and the sexual in love poetry helped pave a conceptual path for the representation of Adam and Eve in Paradise Lost. 

Milton closes the last song of Paradise Lost after describing the expulsion from paradise as follows:— They, looking back, all the eastern side beheld Of paradise, so late their happy seat, Waved over by that flaming brand; the gate With dreadful faces thronged and fiery arms. Some natural tears they dropped, but wiped them soon: The world was all before them, there to choose Their place of rest, and Providence their guide.

Like America- the 'wilderness Zion'- which the Puritans had begun to populate. Eden were well lost, for love of a connubial sort- more particularly if babies occur.  

And only a little before Michael had said to Adam:  . . . “Only add Deeds to thy knowledge answerable; add faith; Add virtue, patience, temperance; add love, By name to come called Charity, the soul Of all the rest: then wilt thou not be loth To leave this Paradise, but shall possess A Paradise within thee, happier far.”

What can be better than wifey & baby & woofy the dog?  

One feels at once that this powerful expression of the Puritan’s serious attention to this world, his acceptance of his life in the world as a task, could not possibly have come from the pen of a mediæval writer.

The Wife's lament in the Exeter book or the Pearl Poet's vision of his daughter  or Chaucer's Franklin's tale treat of the joys of connunbial love & family relationships. 

But it is just as uncongenial to Lutheranism, as expressed for instance in Luther’s and Paul Gerhard’s chorales. It is now our task to replace this vague feeling by a somewhat more precise logical formulation, and to investigate the fundamental basis of these differences. The appeal to national character is generally a mere confession of ignorance, and in this case it is entirely untenable. To ascribe a unified national character to the Englishmen of the seventeenth century would be simply to falsify history.

They had a national character at Agincourt.  

Cavaliers and Roundheads did not appeal to each other simply as two parties, but as radically distinct species of men, and whoever looks into the matter carefully must agree with them.

Nonsense! Plenty went from being one to the other and back again.  

On the other hand, a difference of character between the English merchant adventurers and the old Hanseatic merchants is not to be found;

They were completely different. The English rejoiced when the League was expelled by the Tudors in the sixteenth century.  

nor can any other fundamental difference between the English and German characters at the end of the Middle Ages, which cannot easily be explained by the differences of their political history.

England was a nation state. Germany wasn't. The English considered the Germans to be drunken gluttons with coarse manners & a propensity for ungovernable rage and violence. The Germans considered the English to be provincial and believed they had it under their thumb.  

It was the power of religious influence, not alone, but more than anything else, which created the differences of which we are conscious to-day.

It made no difference whatsoever. Protestant princesses- or, later on Princes- would be imported for royal weddings but it wasn't till Prince Albert that the English came to find anything likeable in German culture. There were some exceptions- e.g. Coleridge. By contrast, the Germans took to English plays- especially Shakespeares- very quickly.  

We thus take as our starting-point in the investigation of the relationship between the old Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism the works of Calvin, of Calvinism, and the other Puritan sects. But it is not to be understood that we expect to find any of the founders or representatives of these religious movements considering the promotion of what we have called the spirit of capitalism as in any sense the end of his life-work. We cannot well maintain that the pursuit of worldly goods, conceived as an end in itself, was to any of them of positive ethical value. Once and for all it must be remembered that programmes of ethical reform never were at the centre of interest for any of the religious reformers (among whom, for our purposes, we must include men like Menno, George Fox, and Wesley). They were not the founders of societies for ethical culture nor the proponents of humanitarian projects for social reform or cultural ideals. The salvation of the soul and that alone was the centre of their life and work. Their ethical ideals and the practical results of their doctrines were all based on that alone, and were the consequences of purely religious motives. We shall thus have to admit that the cultural consequences of the Reformation were to a great extent, perhaps in the particular aspects with which we are dealing predominantly, unforeseen and even unwished-for results of the labours of the reformers. They were often far removed from or even in contradiction to all that they themselves thought to attain.

So, there was no link between the two. I think the School of Salamanca influenced England, Holland and (especially through Pufendorf) Germany. Natural law was like 'the law merchant' which had arisen spontaneously- or so it appeared. Economic development reinforced it thus creating a habitus, if not a spirit, of capitalism. 

One might say, the wars of religion meant that a State's ability to borrow or mobilise savings became more and more important. This was directly linked to the health of Capital Markets and the existence, and level of liquidity, of a class of arbitrageurs or 'market makers'. The Dutch Republic and post-1688 England developed strong private property rights, early patent systems, public debt markets, and parliamentary limits on royal power, which lowered default risks and built investor confidence. However, speculative crashes tended to be worse than in Catholic countries. 

 we have no intention whatever of maintaining such a foolish and doctrinaire thesis as that the spirit of capitalism (in the provisional sense of the term explained above) could only have arisen as the result of certain effects of the Reformation, or even that capitalism as an economic system is a creation of the Reformation.

In which case, Weber's book is useless.  

In itself, the fact that certain important forms of capitalistic business organization are known to be considerably older than the Reformation is a sufficient refutation of such a claim. On the contrary, we only wish to ascertain whether and to what extent religious forces have taken part in the qualitative formation and the quantitative expansion of that spirit over the world.

Since religious forces existed, they did play some part in what happened. But did they do so for religious reasons or was religion a proxy for economic rivalry? Which came first? The chicken or the egg?  

Furthermore, what concrete aspects of our capitalistic culture can be traced to them.

The capitalistic culture of Japan, at that time, could be said to owe something to Ninoyima- the peasant sage. Why? Because it was Japanese.  

In view of the tremendous confusion of interdependent influences between the material basis, the forms of social and political organization, and the ideas current in the time of the Reformation, we can only proceed by investigating whether and at what points certain correlations between forms of religious belief and practical ethics can be worked out.

Correlation is not causation. Anyway, our 'interpretation' will create, as an artefact, the very thing it looks for. Weber was wasting his time. Still, at the time, his shite fitted well with prevailing prejudices. Catlicks go in for siestas and fiestas. Proddy bastids are tight fisted misery-guts. As for the Jews- don't get me fucking started, mate.  

Weber's spirit of ultracrepidarian crapitalism

Capital is a man-made factor of production. Capitalism is the economic regime where capital is allocated on the basis of market prices. The spirit of Capitalism is that of efficiency as arising out of commercial competition. However, where different sources of 'market failure' arise, Capitalism has to be mofidied. It will have a different ethos or 'spirit'. 

This does not mean any particular Capitalist will have a particular ethos or spirit. There is no 'calling' or sense of vocation to being a Capitalist. Unlike ordination as a priest, anybody at all can invest capital. Some may like doing it. Others may find it a time-suck. Unlike a Cardinal, a Capitalist doesn't have to pretend that he feels he has been called to do God's work. He can say, in all candour, that he'd rather be a gigolo. 

Weber took a different view- 

THE SPIRIT OF CAPITALISM In the title of this study is used the somewhat pretentious phrase, the spirit of capitalism. What is to be understood by it? The attempt to give anything like a definition of it brings out certain difficulties which are in the very nature of this type of investigation. If any object can be found to which this term can be applied with any understandable meaning, it can only be an historical individual, i.e. a complex of elements associated in historical reality which we unite into a conceptual whole from the standpoint of their cultural significance.

The reverse is the case. Capitalism is an ideal or pure type which would only obtain under very restricted conditions. Historically, Societies have had to defend themselves from invasion or insurrection and this necessitates a mixed economy with some Capitalist features and some mechanisms of a Command Economy. 

Such an historical concept, however, since it refers in its content to a phenomenon significant for its unique individuality,

nothing phenomenal corresponds to a 'historical concept'. Reality is messy.  

cannot be defined according to the formula genus proximum, differentia specifica,

nothing wrong with that. You start with a pure theory of Capitalism and then say how it changes because of various types of market failure- non-convexity, information asymmetry, externality, repugnancy, etc.. 

but it must be gradually put together out of the individual parts which are taken from historical reality to make it up.

We don't have acccess to 'individual parts'. We merely have some hazy, but wrong, idea as to what they might be.  

Thus the final and definitive concept cannot stand at the beginning of the investigation, but must come at the end.

No. The concept comes first and then, at the end of the investigation, the judgment is made 'this concept applies to this limited extent'.  

We must, in other words, work out in the course of the discussion, as its most important result, the best conceptual formulation of what we here understand by the spirit of capitalism, that is the best from the point of view which interests us here.

The problem is that Capitalism doesn't really have a spirit or a shadow or a sister-in-law in San Fransisco. We may say that competition is the essence of Capitalism but if there are 'non-convexities' the opposite may appear to be the case. Monopoly or Cartelization may appear to be the true spirit of Capitalism. This could be linked to the notion that Imperialism- seen as the search for new markets- was the 'final stage' of Capitalism and this would inevitably lead to a world war. 

... if we try to determine the object, the analysis and historical explanation of which we are attempting, it cannot be in the form of a conceptual definition, but at least in the beginning only a provisional description of what is here meant by the spirit of capitalism.

You are welcome to say 'for me, such and such document best summarises what I think is the spirit of capitalism'. But this is purely subjective.  

Such a description is, however, indispensable in order clearly to understand the object of the investigation. For this purpose we turn to a document of that spirit which contains what we are looking for in almost classical purity, and at the same time has the advantage of being free from all direct relationship to religion, being thus, for our purposes, free of preconceptions.

Weber is quoting Ben Franklin who identified as a Deist—believing in a creator God who governed the universe through natural laws—while moving away from the strict Calvinist Puritanism of his Boston upbringing

Remember, that time is money. He that can earn ten shillings a day by his labour, and goes abroad, or sits idle, one half of that day, though he spends but sixpence during his diversion or idleness, ought not to reckon that the only expense; he has really spent, or rather thrown away, five shillings besides.

This is the notion of 'opportunity cost' fundamental to Economics. Time, like money, is scarce. Use both wisely.  

Remember, that credit is money.

Which is why the Money Supply is 'endogenous' or, at least, affected by Expectations.  

If a man lets his money lie in my hands after it is due, he gives me the interest, or so much as I can make of it during that time. This amounts to a considerable sum where a man has good and large credit, and makes good use of it.

Moreover, goldsmiths can go in for credit-creation through 'fractional reserve' banking. Ben Franklin is expressing economic theories in plain language.  

Remember, that money is of the prolific, generating nature. Money can beget money, and its offspring can beget more, and so on. Five shillings turned is six, turned again it is seven and threepence, and so on, till it becomes a hundred pounds. The more there is of it, the more it produces every turning, so that the profits rise quicker and quicker.
Franklin championed credit and paper money creation as a vital tool for economic growth. He himself invented a new way of printing money to protect against counterfeiting. 
He that kills a breedingsow, destroys all her offspring to the thousandth generation. He that murders a crown, destroys all that it might have produced, even scores of pounds.

Let's stop giving away our money to Mad King George.  

Remember this saying, The good paymaster is lord of another man’s purse. He that is known to pay punctually and exactly to the time he promises, may at any time, and on any occasion, raise all the money his friends can spare. This is sometimes of great use. After industry and frugality, nothing contributes more to the raising of a young man in the world than punctuality and justice in all his dealings; therefore never keep borrowed money an hour beyond the time you promised, lest a disappointment shut up your friend’s purse for ever. The most trifling actions that affect a man’s credit are to be regarded. The sound of your hammer at five in the morning, or eight at night, heard by a creditor, makes him easy six months longer; but if he sees you at a billiard-table, or hears your voice at a tavern, when you should be at work, he sends for his money the next day; demands it, before he can receive it, in a lump. It shows, besides, that you are mindful of what you owe; it makes you appear a careful as well as an honest man, and that still increases your credit. Beware of thinking all your own that you possess, and of living accordingly. It is a mistake that many people who have the credit fall into. To prevent this, keep an exact account for some time both of your expenses and your income. If you take the pains at first to mention particulars, it will have this good effect: you will discover how wonderfully small, trifling expenses mount up to large sums; and will discern what might have been, and may for the future be saved, without occasioning any great inconvenience. For six pounds a year you may have the use of one hundred pounds, provided you are a man of known prudence and honesty. He that spends a groat a day idly, spends idly above six pounds a year, which is the price for the use of one hundred pounds. He that wastes idly a groat’s worth of his time per day, one day with another, wastes the privilege of using one hundred pounds each day. He that idly loses five shillings’ worth of time; loses five shillings, and might as prudently throw five shillings into the sea. He that loses five shillings, not only loses that sum, but all the advantage that might be made by turning it in dealing, which by the time that a young man becomes old, will amount to a considerable sum of money.

Franklin points out that Credit is linked to Expectations which in turn are based on rational calculation & the use of observable 'proxies' for what (by reason of information asymmetry) is otherwise invisible. We may say 'screening' and 'signalling' devices arise in such cases. However, once you have professional auditors and well regulated financial markets, you don't need to display 'outward and visible' signs of frugality and hard work.  

It is Benjamin Franklin who preaches to us in these sentences, the same which Ferdinand Kürnberger satirizes in his clever and malicious Picture of American Culture as the supposed confession of faith of the Yankee.

By then, German princes were using professional 'actuaries' and engineers to raise the productivity of their estates. This in turn affected their credit-worthiness. German re-unification had a fiscal and monetary aspect such that a class of professional accountants and investment analysts came into being. Franklin's America was more pastoral but his insights can be directly translated into contemporary Economic theory. I may mention,  Austrian Capitalism, too, had taken off by the time Kurnberger died.  

That it is the spirit of capitalism

No. This is the spirit of a rising class of farmers and artisans diversifying their portfolios. But Princes and Prelates could hire professionals to embrace capitalistic methods on their behalf. They didn't have to pretend to have turned into bourgeois gentlemen- like Louis Phillipe.  

which here speaks in characteristic fashion, no one will doubt, however little we may wish to claim that everything which could be understood as pertaining to that spirit is contained in it. Let us pause a moment to consider this passage, the philosophy of which Kürnberger sums up in the words, “They make tallow out of cattle and money out of men”.

What did the Austrians make tallow or money out of?  

The peculiarity of this philosophy of avarice

Ben Franklin wasn't saying you should hoard money. Set it to work for you. Moreover, the Americans- as a young nation- should raise money to pay for guns and swords so as to get Mad King George to fuck the fuck off.  

appears to be the ideal of the honest man of recognized credit, and above all the idea of a duty of the individual toward the increase of his capital, which is assumed as an end in itself.

It really isn't. Franklin wanted his people to be independent and to pursue scientific research with a view to making themselves more comfortable and more secure.  

Truly what is here preached is not simply a means of making one’s way in the world, but a peculiar ethic.

No. The ethic is presupposed. Franklin was writing for people like himself- not Dukes or Bishops.  

The infraction of its rules is treated not as foolishness but as forgetfulness of duty.

No. It is treated as myopic and lazy.  

That is the essence of the matter. It is not mere business astuteness, that sort of thing is common enough, it is an ethos.

It is a political program, not an ethos. To be fair, Ben did his best to avoid a rupture with the Crown for the excellent reason that he was English in point of blood and was as patriotic as the next man. 

This is the quality which interests us. When Jacob Fugger, in speaking to a business associate who had retired and who wanted to persuade him to do the same, since he had made enough money and should let others have a chance, rejected that as pusillanimity and answered that “he (Fugger) thought otherwise, he wanted to make money as long as he could”,

German psychologist Karl Bühler in 1924, termed this 'funktionslust'- i.e. the deep sense of joy, satisfaction, or wellbeing an animal or human gets from simply doing an activity they are naturally built or suited to do, purely for the sake of the process itself. 

the spirit of his statement is evidently quite different from that of Franklin.

Because he was a banker to Princes and Prelates. Franklin was the representative of a young nation of farmers and tradesmen.  

What in the former case was an expression of commercial daring and a personal inclination morally neutral, in the latter takes on the character of an ethically coloured maxim for the conduct of life. -

No. England had been rising in trade and industry for centuries. Franklin's ancestors had been free men earning their living by their skill as black-smiths. The Fuckers (original spelling of Fugger) had been weavers who rose through commerce in a still essentially feudal world. Augsburg only got rid of serfdom in 1808. 

The concept spirit of capitalism is here used in this specific sense, it is the spirit of modern capitalism.

There is a big difference between JP Morgan & Ben Franklin.  

For that we are here dealing only with Western European and American capitalism is obvious from the way in which the problem was stated. Capitalism existed in China, India, Babylon, in the classic world, and in the Middle Ages. But in all these cases, as we shall see, this particular ethos was lacking.

Franklin's father arrived in America a few years before the Glorious Revolution. The American Revolution was more egalitarian.  

Now, all Franklin’s moral attitudes are coloured with utilitarianism. Honesty is useful, because it assures credit; so are punctuality, industry, frugality, and that is the reason they are virtues.

Theologians have always recognised that the practice of a virtue for an instrumental purpose gradually becomes habitual or 'second nature'.  Franklin's 13 step self-improvement program is similar to that which arises out of the Catholic concept of synderesis. His 'ledger' resembles the Jesuit method of self-examination. 

A logical deduction from this would be that where, for instance, the appearance of honesty serves the same purpose, that would suffice, and an unnecessary surplus of this virtue would evidently appear to Franklin’s eyes as unproductive waste.

Fair point. But a thing which is habitual is more easily performed.  

And as a matter of fact, the story in his autobiography of his conversion to those virtues, or the discussion of the value of a strict maintenance of the appearance of modesty, the assiduous belittlement of one’s own deserts in order to gain general recognition later, confirms this impression.

Nothing wrong with that. The truth is, most people don't like being a lazy drunken cunt. I'm rather special in that respect. 

According to Franklin, those virtues, like all others, are only in so far virtues as they are actually useful to the individual, and the surrogate of mere appearance is always sufficient when it accomplishes the end in view.

But keeping up appearances is costly. Habit, on the other hand, has low cognitive cost. Get into the habit of being polite & you are less likely to keep getting beaten up.  

It is a conclusion which is inevitable for strict utilitarianism. The impression of many Germans that the virtues professed by Americanism are pure hypocrisy seems to have been confirmed by this striking case.

Sadly, German virtue was already expressing itself as genocide. Nobody minded when it was Chinks or darkies who were at the receiving end but, sooner or later, Germans would turn upon their neighbours.  

But in fact the matter is not by any means so simple. Benjamin Franklin’s own character, as it appears in the really unusual candidness of his autobiography, belies that suspicion. The circumstance that he ascribes his recognition of the utility of virtue to a divine revelation

of a rational, Deist, sort. Incidentally, James Watt was a Deist.  

which was intended to lead him in the path of righteousness, shows that something more than mere garnishing for purely egocentric motives is involved. In fact, the summum bonum of this ethic, the earning of more and more money, combined with the strict avoidance of all spontaneous enjoyment of life, is above all completely devoid of any eudæmonistic, not to say hedonistic, admixture.

This is nonsense. Ben was a bon viveur. The French loved him. True, he didn't get drunk and rape the chamber-maid but the result was that he lived a long, mainly healthy, life. 

It is thought of so purely as an end in itself,

No. Ben is talking only about the middling sort. Neither the plantation slave nor the Pope or Sovereign  could or should follow his code. 

that from the point of view of the happiness of, or utility to, the single individual, it appears entirely transcendental and absolutely irrational.

Deism is rational and empirical, not irrational or transcendental.  

Man is dominated by the making of money,

No. Some people have bills to pay. Others don't.  

by acquisition as the ultimate purpose of his life.

If your business isn't growing, it is likely to begin to decline. Competition has that effect. On the other hand, if you have a fixed income and few expenses, you can devote yourself to Science or Literature or Gossip.  

Economic acquisition is no longer subordinated to man as the means for the satisfaction of his material needs.

Men need security. Acquiring productive assets tends to reduce the likelihood of sudden impoverishment. But, some assets may turn out to be White Elephants.  

This reversal of what we should call the natural relationship, so irrational from a naïve point of view, is evidently as definitely a leading principle of capitalism as it is foreign to all peoples not under capitalistic influence.

No. If you have no access to markets and can't acquire assets, you invest in relationships or diversify into non-monetized activities which produce utility of various sorts. 

At the same time it expresses a type of feeling which is closely connected with certain religious ideas.

But religious ideas are closely connected to economic ideas. God's mysterious economy constitutes the Katechon which holds the Eschaton at bay.  

If we thus ask, why should “money be made out of men”, Benjamin Franklin himself, although he was a colourless deist, answers in his autobiography with a quotation from the Bible, which his strict Calvinistic father drummed into him again and again in his youth: “Seest thou a man diligent in his business? He shall stand before kings” (Prov. xxii. 29).

A King who is diligent in his business, permits the diligence of his subjects to raise their material, psychological and spiritual state. If the King is crap, an invasion or insurrection will destroy livelihoods.  

The earning of money within the modern economic order is, so long as it is done legally, the result and the expression of virtue and proficiency in a calling;

No. It may be rent, interest payments or dividend income.  

and this virtue and proficiency are, as it is now not difficult to see, the real Alpha and Omega of Franklin’s ethic, as expressed in the passages we have quoted, as well as in all his works without exception.

Why put words in the mouth of a guy who wrote really well?  

And in truth this peculiar idea, so familiar to us to-day, but in reality so little a matter of course, of one’s duty in a calling, is what is most characteristic of the social ethic of capitalistic culture, and is in a sense the fundamental basis of it.

This is nonsense. Capitalism allows one to diversify one's portfolio. You are then welcome to have any sort of hobby or vocation or vacation.  

It is an obligation which the individual is supposed to feel and does feel towards the content of his professional activity, no matter in what it consists, in particular no matter whether it appears on the surface as a utilization of his personal powers, or only of his material possessions (as capital).

All Societies try to get the lumpen element to stop drinking and whoring and get a fucking job for fuck's sake. This has nothing to do with Capitalism or Feudalism or Lesbian Eco-Feminism.  

Of course, this conception has not appeared only under capitalistic conditions. On the contrary, we shall later trace its origins back to a time previous to the advent of capitalism.

We can trace it back to the first amoeba or virus. Evolutionary Game Theory of a Hannan-consistent sort may underlie all ethology (through replicator dynamics) and economics.

Still less, naturally, do we maintain that a conscious acceptance of these ethical maxims on the part of the individuals, entrepreneurs or labourers, in modern capitalistic enterprises, is a condition of the further existence of present-day capitalism.

I suppose, if you believe in 'spirits' or ghosts, then 'conscious acceptance' will be severely lacking.  

The capitalistic economy of the present day is an immense cosmos into which the individual is born, and which presents itself to him, at least as an individual, as an unalterable order of things in which he must live.

There were plenty of anti-Capitalists on both the Right and the Left. Fighting a total war may mean saying goodbye to Capitalism and the Rule of Law.  

It forces the individual, in so far as he is involved in the system of market relationships, to conform to capitalistic rules of action, The manufacturer who in the long run acts counter to these norms, will just as inevitably be eliminated from the  economic scene as the worker who cannot or will not adapt himself to them will be thrown into the streets without a job.

No. Paternalistic manufacturers may end up doing a lot better than those who 'sweat' labour.  

Thus the capitalism of to-day, which has come to dominate economic life, educates and selects the economic subjects which it needs through a process of economic survival of the fittest.

European nations were abandoning this 'Social Darwinian' view. Herbert Spencer vainly fulmined at "The Coming Slavery" in his 1884 work The Man Versus the State.

But here one can easily see the limits of the concept of selection as a means of historical explanation.

One really can't. Instead, we see 'convergent evolution'.  

In order that a manner of life so well adapted to the peculiarities of capitalism could be selected at all, i.e. should come to dominate others, it had to originate somewhere,

No. There are marsupials which look like placental mammals. But this is 'convergent evolution'.  

and not in isolated individuals alone, but as a way of life common to whole groups of men. This origin is what really needs explanation.

No. What matters is the fitness landscape.  

Concerning the doctrine of the more naïve historical materialism, that such ideas originate as a reflection or superstructure of economic situations, we shall speak more in detail below. At this point it will suffice for our purpose to call attention to the fact that without doubt, in the country of Benjamin Franklin’s birth (Massachusetts), the spirit of capitalism (in the sense we have attached to it) was present before the capitalistic order.

As was the spirit of Communism, Lesbian Eco-Feminism & Trangender Trotskyite Technopunk.  

There were complaints of a peculiarly calculating sort of profit-seeking in New England, as distinguished from other parts of America, as early as 1632. It is further undoubted that capitalism remained far less developed in some of the neighbouring colonies, the later Southern States of the United States of America, in spite of the fact that these latter were founded by large capitalists for business motives, while the New England colonies were founded by preachers and seminary graduates with the help of small bourgeois, craftsmen and yoemen, for religious reasons.

The South was 'Cavalier'. The North was 'Roundhead'.  

In this case the causal relation is certainly the reverse of that suggested by the materialistic standpoint.

The small farmer or tradesman is not as polished as the big landlord or banker. So what? Some small farmers became big landlords and some tradesmen became great industrialists. 

But the origin and history of such ideas is much more complex than the theorists of the superstructure suppose. The spirit of capitalism, in the sense in which we are using the term, had to fight its way to supremacy against a whole world of hostile forces.

People have to fight to keep their property. In America, guys with guns prevailed over those with Tomahawks.  

A state of mind such as that expressed in the passages we have quoted from Franklin, and which called forth the applause of a whole people, would both in ancient times and in the Middle Ages have been proscribed as the lowest sort of avarice and as an attitude entirely lacking in self-respect.
In the Middle Ages, it would have been both ungodly and unwise. If you accumulate wealth, the Baron will kill you and confiscate it.  True, he may kill you anyway- which is why praying a lot was a good idea. 

Adolph Freiherr von Knigge's Über den Umgang mit Menschen ("On Human Relations"), published in 1788, was similar to Franklin's work in some respects. But, in Germany, the middle class could not hope to displace the aristocracy. The best they could hope for was to be accorded a certain amount of dignity on the basis of their good character & gentle manners.
It is, in fact, still regularly thus looked upon by all those social groups which are least involved in or adapted to modern capitalistic conditions. This is not wholly because the instinct of acquisition was in those times unknown or undeveloped, as has often been said.

There is little point acquiring stuff if others will grab it.  

Nor because the auri sacra fames, the greed for gold, was then, or now, less powerful outside of bourgeois capitalism than within its peculiar sphere, as the illusions of modern romanticists are wont to believe. The difference between the capitalistic and precapitalistic spirits is not to be found at this point. The greed of the Chinese Mandarin, the old Roman aristocrat, or the modern peasant, can stand up to any comparison. And the auri sacra fames of a Neapolitan cab-driver or barcaiuolo, and certainly of Asiatic representatives of similar trades, as well as of the craftsmen of southern European or Asiatic countries, is, as anyone can find out for himself, very much more intense, and especially more unscrupulous than that of, say, an Englishman in similar circumstances.

Weber is speaking of sharp practice or the shaking down of a foreigner.  

The universal reign of absolute unscrupulousness in the pursuit of selfish interests by the making of money has been a specific characteristic of precisely those countries whose bourgeois-capitalistic development, measured according to Occidental standards, has remained backward. As every employer knows, the lack of coscienziosità of the labourers of such countries, for instance Italy as compared with Germany, has been, and to a certain extent still is, one of the principal obstacles to their capitalistic development.

Catholics are always either having a siesta or gadding about at a fiesta. Protestants do all the work yet people say they are boring and stupid. So-ooo unfair! 

Capitalism cannot make use of the labour of those who practise the doctrine of undisciplined liberum arbitrium,

Sure it can. Pay him for piece-work. If he doesn't show up, he gets nothing.  

any more than it can make use of the business man who seems absolutely unscrupulous in his dealings with others, as we can learn from Franklin.

Again, just pay by results. If he fucks up, he gets nothing. The whole point about open markets is nobody can tell the difference between the potato dug up by the scoundrel and the potato dug up by a pious leprechaun. 

Hence the difference does not lie in the degree of development of any impulse to make money. The auri sacra fames is as old as the history of man. But we shall see that those who submitted to it without reserve as an uncontrolled impulse, such as the Dutch seacaptain who “would go through hell for gain, even though he scorched his sails”, were by no means the representatives of that attitude of mind from which the specifically modern capitalistic spirit as a mass phenomenon is derived, and that is what matters.

The Bank robber has a different ethos to the Banker. Even Weber understood this. What he didn't understand was that the spirit of Capitalism is that of efficiency in response to competitive pressure.  

At all periods of history, wherever it was possible, there has been ruthless acquisition, bound to no ethical norms whatever.

The opposite, too, has been true. This is because where there is nothing but 'ruthless acquisition', there will be nothing to acquire.  

Like war and piracy, trade has often been unrestrained in its relations with foreigners and those outside the group.

It has always been restrained by fear of 'ruthless acquisition'. You generally have to pay for protection from the guys running the market or controlling the entrepot or caravan route.  

The double ethic has permitted here what was forbidden in dealings among brothers.

Unless there is an Imperial homonoia or something similar enforced by a Merchant League.  

Capitalistic acquisition as an adventure has been at home in all types of economic society which have known trade with the use of money and which have offered it opportunities, through commenda, farming of taxes, State loans, financing of wars, ducal courts and office-holders. Likewise the inner attitude of the adventurer, which laughs at all ethical limitations, has been universal.

Sociopaths do exist in all societies but 'adventurers' may have a strong ethical code.  

The most important opponent with which the spirit of capitalism, in the sense of a definite standard of life claiming ethical sanction, has had to struggle, was that type of attitude and reaction to new situations which we may designate as traditionalism.

Modernity had to struggle with tradition. But Capitalism is pre-modern.  

In this case also every attempt at a final definition must be held in abeyance. On the other hand, we must try to make the provisional meaning clear by citing a few cases. We will begin from below, with the labourers. One of the technical means which the modern employer uses in order to secure the greatest possible amount of work from his men is the device of piece-rates.

They have pretty much disappeared. I think piece-rates were standard in most industries in Germany at that time.  

In agriculture, for instance, the gathering of the harvest is a case where the greatest possible intensity of labour is called for, since, the weather being uncertain, the difference between high profit and heavy loss may depend on the speed with which the harvesting can be done. Hence a system of piece-rates is almost universal in this case. And since the interest of the employer in a speeding-up of harvesting increases with the increase of the results and the intensity of the work, the attempt has again and again been made, by increasing the piece-rates of the workmen, thereby giving them an opportunity to earn what is for them a very high wage, to interest them in increasing their own efficiency. But a peculiar difficulty has been met with surprising frequency: raising the piece-rates has often had the result that not more but less has been accomplished in the same time, because the worker reacted to the increase not by increasing but by decreasing the amount of his work.

i.e. the 'income effect' swamped the 'substitution effect' leading to a backward bending supply curve. The obvious solution is to bring in migrant labour who live in temporary camps.  

A man, for instance, who at the rate of 1 mark per acre mowed 2½ acres per day and earned 2½ marks, when the rate was raised to 1.25 marks per acre mowed, not 3 acres, as he the spirit of capitalism 23 might easily have done, thus earning 3.75 marks, but only 2 acres, so that he could still earn the 2½ marks to which he was accustomed. The opportunity of earning more was less attractive than that of working less. He did not ask: how much can I earn in a day if I do as much work as possible? but: how much must I work in order to earn the wage, 2½ marks, which I earned before and which takes care of my traditional needs? This is an example of what is here meant by traditionalism.

To be fair, Slutsky hadn't yet invented indifference curves and thus explained the phenomenon. The traditional remedy was always to bring in migrant labour.  

A man does not “by nature” wish to earn more and more money, but simply to live as he is accustomed to live and to earn as much as is necessary for that purpose. Wherever modern capitalism has begun its work of increasing the productivity of human labour by increasing its intensity, it has encountered the immensely stubborn resistance of this leading trait of pre-capitalistic labour.

Capitalistic labour- e.g. that of the guys who run hedge funds- is exactly the same. Slutsky explained the thing.  

And to-day it encounters it the more, the more backward (from a capitalistic point of view) the labouring forces are with which it has to deal.

A different problem was that of work effort where it was common for a man's extended family to share in anything he earned. Why slave away so your cousins can eat the bread of idleness?  

Another obvious possibility, to return to our example, since the appeal to the acquisitive instinct through higher wage-rates failed, would have been to try the opposite policy, to force the worker by reduction of his wage-rates to work harder to earn the same amount than he did before. Low wages and high profits seem even to-day to a superficial observer to stand in correlation; everything which is paid out in wages seems to involve a corresponding reduction of profits. That road capitalism has taken again and again since its beginning.

The good news is that it drove automation. Only unskilled labour was cheap. Interestingly, in England there appears to have been a 'reswitching paradox' whereby skilled labour substituted for capital. 

For centuries it was an article of faith, that low wages were productive, i.e. that they increased the material results of labour so that, as Pieter de la Cour, on this point, as we shall see, quite in the spirit of the old Calvinism, said long ago, the people only work because and so long as they are poor.

If they are rich, they can hire others to work.  

But the effectiveness of this apparently so efficient method has its limits. Of course the presence of a surplus population which it can hire cheaply in the labour market is a necessity for the development of capitalism.

No. A tight labour market entails 'capital deepening'. Agricultural involution of a Malthusian sort is likely to go hand in hand with a very low Capital to Labour ratio.  

But though too large a reserve army may in certain cases favour its quantitative expansion, it checks its qualitative development, especially the transition to types of enterprise which make more intensive use of labour.

Not if there is quality competition. Skilled labour make better quality goods.  

Low wages are by no means identical with cheap labour. From a purely quantitative point of view the efficiency of labour decreases with a wage which is physiologically insufficient, which may in the long run even mean a survival of the unfit. The present-day average Silesian mows, when he exerts himself to the full, little more than two-thirds as much land as the better paid and nourished Pomeranian or Mecklenburger, and the Pole, the further East he comes from, accomplishes progressively less than the German.

Feed them better and they will produce more. Here marginal product is itself a function of the wage. This type of 'impredicativity' can create the 'virtuous circle' of higher wages leading to higher productivity which then allows wages to rise yet again.  

Low wages fail even from a purely business point of view wherever it is a question of producing goods which require any sort of skilled labour, or the use of expensive machinery which is easily damaged, or in general wherever any great amount of sharp attention or of initiative is required. Here low wages do not pay, and their effect is the opposite of what was intended. For not only is a developed sense of responsibility absolutely indispensable, but in general also an attitude which, at least during working hours, is freed from continual calculations of how the customary wage may be earned with a maximum of comfort and a minimum of exertion. Labour must, on the contrary, be performed as if it were an absolute end in itself, a calling.

That is going too far. It is enough to have an 'efficiency wage'. which is above the market-clearing equilibrium rate, to boost worker productivity and lower total labor costs per unit of output. This promotes 'loyalty' though there may still be 'exit' if the 'replacement rate' (benefits to wage ratio) rises. 

But such an attitude is by no means a product of nature. It cannot be evoked by low wages or high ones alone, but can only be the product of a long and arduous process of education.

That is wholly useless. Only incentives matter. It is a different matter that 'disutility' from work can be reduced by improving working conditions or increasing worker participation in decision making. This can be by way of 'job enrichment'.  

Today, capitalism, once in the saddle, can recruit its labouring force in all industrial countries with comparative ease. In the past this was in every case an extremely difficult problem.

I suppose Weber means that the 'habitus' of the rustic made the transition to urban factory work psychologically traumatic. The solution was to get in village girls and house them in giant factory dormitories. The less spirited males, too, could be recruited in this way provided their homes were at some distance away.  

And even today it could probably not get along without the support of a powerful ally along the way, which, as we shall see below, was at hand at the time of its development. What is meant can again best be explained by means of an example. The type of backward traditional form of labour is today very often exemplified by women workers, especially unmarried ones. An almost universal complaint of employers of girls, for instance German girls, is that they are almost entirely unable and unwilling to give up methods of work inherited or once learned in favour of more efficient ones, to adapt themselves to new methods, to learn and to concentrate their intelligence, or even to use it at all.

That was changing. It must be said, in the UK, women workers in the textile industry, at that time, were highly productive.  

Explanations of the possibility of making work easier, above all more profitable to themselves, generally encounter a complete lack of understanding. Increases of piece-rates are without avail against the stone wall of habit. In general it is otherwise, and that is a point of no little importance from our view-point, only with girls having a specifically religious, especially a Pietistic, background.

Recent scholarship suggests that Weber was wrong. Educational investment did matter and was somewhat greater in some Protestant areas. However,  Catholic girls from the Rhineland, Silesia & Bavaria possessed high levels of industrial skill. They formed a core, stable backbone of the textile, manufacturing, and eventually armaments industries during the World Wars.

One often hears, and statistical investigation confirms it, that by far the best chances of economic education are found among this group. The ability of mental concentration, as well as the absolutely essential feeling of obligation to one’s job, are here most often combined with a strict economy which calculates the possibility of high earnings, and a cool self-control and frugality which enormously increase performance. This provides the most favourable foundation for the conception of labour as an end in itself, as a calling which is necessary to capitalism: the chances of overcoming traditionalism are greatest on account of the religious upbringing.

Apparently Weber's Mum was a rigid Calvinist & worked harder than she needed to. Her psychological problems seem to have affected Weber whose father was more easy going.  

This observation of present-day capitalism in itself suggests that it is worth while to ask how this connection of adaptability to capitalism with religious factors may have come about in the days of the early development of capitalism.

Protestants said they were hard working. Catholics were drunken scum. It wasn't true, but it felt good saying it.  

For that they were even then present in much the same form can be inferred from numerous facts. For instance, the dislike and the persecution which Methodist workmen in the eighteenth century met at the hands of their comrades were not solely nor even principally the result of their religious eccentricities,

it was because they didn't buy a round at the pub. Also, they were considered to be 'brown nosers' sucking up to the boss.  

England had seen many of those and more striking ones.

A bloke who buys a round is a comrade. One who doesn't is a great big misery-guts. 

It rested rather,  as the destruction of their tools, repeatedly mentioned in the reports, suggests, upon their specific willingness to work as we should say to-day.

The dude who raises output causes the boss to set higher targets. Let's beat the fucker up.  

However, let us again return to the present, and this time to the entrepreneur, in order to clarify the meaning of traditionalism in his case. Sombart, in his discussions of the genesis of capitalism, has distinguished between the satisfaction of needs and acquisition as the two great leading principles in economic history.

There is only one principle- viz. competition to gain control of factors of production.  

In the former case the attainment of the goods necessary to meet personal needs,

as with hunter-gatherers 

in the latter a struggle for profit free from the limits set by needs,

as happens once the agricultural revolution takes off 

have been the ends controlling the form and direction of economic activity.

No. Only competition matters. If there is none, nothing is scarce or, more correctly, only if there is scarcity will there be competition.  

What he calls the economy of needs seems at first glance to be identical with what is here described as economic traditionalism.

Sadly, traditional economies get invaded. The territory passes to those better able to exploit it or else reverts to barbarism.  

That may be the case if the concept of needs is limited to traditional needs. But if that is not done, a number of economic types which must be considered capitalistic according to the definition of capital which Sombart gives in another part of his work, would be excluded from the category of acquisitive economy and put into that of needs economy. Enterprises, namely, which are carried on by private entrepreneurs by utilizing capital (money or goods with a money value) to make a profit, purchasing the means of production and selling the product, i.e. undoubted capitalistic enterprises, may at the same time have a traditionalistic character.

And vice versa. Traditions turn out to have rational, economic, explanations. The Asiatic or African peasant, turned out to be perfectly rational. The reason economists couldn't see this is because they were ignoring Knightian Uncertainty and the regret minimizing strategies it gives rise to.  

...we provisionally use the expression spirit of (modern) capitalism to describe that attitude which seeks profit rationally and systematically

it should do so in a regret minimizing, not profit maximising, manner. This is because Uncertainty is ubiquitous.  

in the the spirit of capitalism manner which we have illustrated by the example of Benjamin Franklin. This, however, is justified by the historical fact that that attitude of mind has on the one hand found its most suitable expression in capitalistic enterprise, while on the other the enterprise has derived its most suitable motive force from the spirit of capitalism.

Spirits and ghosts don't have any motive force. On the other hand, gremlins work hard to keep aeroplanes aloft.  

But the two may very well occur separately. Benjamin Franklin was filled with the spirit of capitalism at a time when his printing business did not differ in form from any handicraft enterprise.

He built up a publishing empire and diversified his portfolio with his profits.  

And we shall see that at the beginning of modern times it was by no means the capitalistic entrepreneurs of the commercial aristocracy, who were either the sole or the predominant bearers of the attitude we have here called the spirit of capitalism.

Weber had got it into his head that, because Mummy was a Calvinist, spirit of Capitalism must be Calvinism.  

It was much more the rising strata of the lower industrial middle classes. Even in the nineteenth century its classical representatives were not the elegant gentlemen of Liverpool and Hamburg,

which saw some local 'de-industrialization' in favour of port development 

with their commercial fortunes handed down for generations, but the self-made parvenus of Manchester and Westphalia,

who handed down fortunes to their descendants.  

who often rose from very modest circumstances.

Some fell back into poverty. 'Clogs to clogs in three generations'.  

As early as the sixteenth century the situation was similar; the industries which arose at that time were mostly created by parvenus. The management, for instance, of a bank, a wholesale export business, a large retail establishment, or of a large putting-out enterprise dealing with goods produced in homes, is certainly only possible in the form of a capitalistic enterprise.

Such things existed, in one shape or another, in Hindu India or the Islamic or Chinese Empire.  

Nevertheless, they may all be carried on in a traditionalistic spirit. In fact, the business of a large bank of issue cannot be carried on in any other way.

Sure it can. Citibank, even in 1905, was a financial titan. There was nothing traditionalistic about it.  

The foreign trade of whole epochs has rested on the basis of monopolies and legal privileges of strictly traditional character.

But those monopolies were easily broken.  

In retail trade—and we are not here talking of the small men without capital who are continually crying out for Government aid—the revolution which is making an end of the old traditionalism is still in full swing.

That 'traditionalism' only appeared old. 

It is the same development which broke up the old putting-out system,

which sought to circumvent urban guilds. It became dominant in the eighteenth century and was declining in the nineteenth century 

to which modern domestic labour is related only in form. How this revolution takes place and what is its significance may, in spite of the fact these things are so familiar, be again brought out by a concrete example. Until about the middle of the past century the life of a putterout was, at least in many of the branches of the Continental textile industry, what we should to-day consider very comfortable.

It was doomed. The factories had economies of scope and scale. They could substitute fossil fuel for muscle power.  

We may imagine its routine somewhat as follows: The peasants came with their cloth, often (in the case of linen) principally or entirely made from raw material which the peasant himself had produced, to the town in which the putter-out lived, and after a careful, often official, appraisal of the quality, received the customary price for it. The putter-out’s customers, for markets any appreciable distance away, were middlemen, who also came to him, generally not yet following samples, but seeking traditional qualities, and bought from his warehouse, or, long before delivery, placed orders which were probably in turn passed on to the peasants. Personal canvassing of customers took place, if at all, only at long intervals. Otherwise correspondence sufficed, though the sending of samples slowly gained ground. The number of business hours was very moderate, perhaps five to six a day, sometimes considerably less; in the rush season, where there was one, more. Earnings were moderate; enough to lead a respectable life and in good times to put away a little. On the whole, relations among competitors were relatively good, with a large degree of agreement on the fundamentals of business. A long daily visit to the tavern, with often plenty to drink, and a congenial circle of friends, made life comfortable and leisurely. The form of organization was in every respect capitalistic; the entrepreneur’s activity was of a purely business character; the use of capital, turned over in the business, was indispensable; and finally, the objective aspect of the economic process, the book-keeping, was rational. But it was traditionalistic business, if one considers the spirit which animated the entrepreneur: the traditional manner of life, the traditional rate of profit, the traditional amount of work, the traditional manner of regulating the relationships with labour, and the essentially traditional circle of customers and the manner of attracting new ones.

The same thing could be said of other declining ways of life. The life of an Oxford don, at that time, was even more bibulous and idle. Then, the English woke up to the fact that the industrious German pedant had left them in the dust. 

It must be said, the spirit of modern Capitalism is Darwinian. Calvin and Luther were wrong. Christ was just a nice guy whom the Romans, for some reason, decided to crucify.  

All these dominated the conduct of the business, were at the basis, one may say, of the ethos of this group of business men.

Their business was in decline just as the philology of the Oxford don was in decline relative to that of Germany.  

Now at some time this leisureliness was suddenly destroyed, and often entirely without any essential change in the form of organization, such as the transition to a unified factory, to mechanical weaving, etc. What happened was, on the contrary, often no more than this: some young man from one of the puttingout families went out into the country, carefully chose weavers for his employ, greatly increased the rigour of his supervision of their work, and thus turned them from peasants into labourers. On the other hand, he would begin to change his marketing methods by so far as possible going directly to the final consumer, would take the details into his own hands, would personally solicit customers, visiting them every year, and above all would adapt the quality of the product directly to their needs and wishes. At the same time he began to introduce the principle of low prices and large turnover. There was repeated what everywhere and always is the result of such a process of rationalization: those who would not follow suit had to go out of business.

Unless they found a niche- e.g. intricate ribbon weaving (Bandweberei), lace-making in the Erzgebirge, and tailored garment assembly—where small-scale home labor remained cheaper than investing in specialized factory machinery. Apparently, the system only vanished after the Second World War. 

The idyllic state collapsed under the pressure of a bitter competitive struggle, respectable fortunes were made, and not lent out at interest, but always reinvested in the business. The old leisurely and comfortable attitude toward life gave way to a hard frugality in which some participated and came to the top, because they did not wish to consume but to earn, while others who wished to keep on with the old ways were forced to curtail their consumption.

Those who owned property probably benefitted from rising rents. I imagine, they tried to get their kids settled in the professions or the army.  This had nothing to do with Religion. Weber seems to have forgotten that the spirit motivating the new industriousness had nothing to do with Religion. It was a case of technology having moved on. 

And, what is most important in this connection, it was not  generally in such cases a stream of new money invested in the industry which brought about this revolution—in several cases known to me the whole revolutionary process was set in motion with a few thousands of capital borrowed from relations—but the new spirit, the spirit of modern capitalism, had set to work.

Without any fucking religious element supervening.  

The question of the motive forces in the expansion of modern capitalism is not in the first instance a question of the origin of the capital sums which were available for capitalistic uses, but, above all, of the development of the spirit of capitalism.

The spirit of not wanting to decline in class and social standing.  

Where it appears and is able to work itself out, it produces its own capital and monetary supplies as the means to its ends, but the reverse is not true. 

If the means appear, the end appears- though it may be foreigners who own the new factories.  

Its entry on the scene was not generally peaceful. A flood of mistrust, sometimes of hatred, above all of moral indignation, regularly opposed itself to the first innovator. Often—I know of several cases of the sort—regular legends of mysterious shady spots in his previous life have been produced. It is very easy not to recognize that only an unusually strong character could save an entrepreneur of this new type from the loss of his temperate self-control and from both moral and economic shipwreck.

Working is hard. Drinking is easy. If you stay off the booze, you can control your temper easily enough.  

Furthermore, along with clarity of vision and ability to act, it is only by virtue of very definite and highly developed ethical qualities that it has been possible for him to command the absolutely indispensable confidence of his customers and workmen.

No. Solvency, not character, is what mattered. High trust networks based on religion- e.g. Jews in the ready-to-wear German market- increased solvency. But so did mortgages. As 'universal' German banks took off, in the 1850s, more an more industrial expansion was on the basis of bank loans.  

Nothing else could have given him the strength to overcome the innumerable obstacles, above all the infinitely more intensive work which is demanded of the modern entrepreneur.

But he could be a believer in Darwin, not Dueteronomy.  

But these are ethical qualities of quite a different sort from those adapted to the traditionalism of the past.

This is like the rosy picture of Merrie England were people spent most of their time dancing around May Poles and shagging in the cornfields.  

And, as a rule, it has been neither dare-devil and unscrupulous speculators, economic adventurers such as we meet at all periods of economic history, nor simply great financiers who have earned through this change, outwardly so inconspicuous, but nevertheless so decisive for the penetration of economic life with the new spirit.

Which was as much Jewish as Protestant or Catholic or, in the case of Fredrich Engels, Marxist.  

On the contrary, they were men who had  grown up in the hard school of life, calculating and daring at the same time, above all temperate and reliable, shrewd and completely devoted to their business, with strictly bourgeois opinions and principles.

Engel's father was a Pietist. But his life doesn't seem to have been particularly hard.  

One is tempted to think that these personal moral qualities have not the slightest relation to any ethical maxims, to say nothing of religious ideas, but that the essential relation between them is negative. The ability to free oneself from the common tradition, a sort of liberal enlightenment, seems likely to be the most suitable basis for such a business man’s success.

It is wholly immaterial. Not being a drunkard or gambling addict is helpful, but that could be said of any type of person in any station in life.  

And to-day that is generally precisely the case. Any relationship between religious beliefs and conduct is generally absent, and where any exists, at least in Germany, it tends to be of the negative sort.

So, Capitalism has zero to do with Protestant religion- unless you believe that all Proddy bastids are fucking atheists.  

The people filled with the spirit of capitalism to-day tend to be indifferent, if not hostile, to the Church. The thought of the pious boredom of paradise has little attraction for their active natures; religion appears to them as a means of drawing people away from labour in this world. If you ask them what is the meaning of their restless activity, why they are never satisfied with what they have, thus appearing so senseless to any purely worldly view of life, they would perhaps give the answer, if they know any at all: “to provide for my children and grandchildren”. But more often and, since that motive is not peculiar to them, but was just as effective for the traditionalist, more correctly, simply: that business with its continuous work has become a necessary part of their lives.

The German industrialist knew that if his country didn't grow more rapidly in economic terms, its enemies would get the upper hand. Perhaps the country would be divided again or, at the least, it would lose Alsace Lorraine & former Polish territory to its East.  

That is in fact the only possible motivation, but it at the same time expresses what is, seen from the view-point of personal happiness, so irrational about this sort of life, where a man exists for the sake of his business, instead of the reverse.

If he loses his edge, his brother or cousin or son might take over. He'd have nothing to do but pay social calls.  

Of course, the desire for the power and recognition which the mere fact of wealth brings plays its part. When the imagination of a whole people has once been turned toward purely quantitative bigness, as in the United States, this romanticism of numbers exercises an irresistible appeal to the poets among business men.

Weber doesn't seem to have understood 'non-convexity' (economies of scope and scale) and the manner in which it can entrench itself as 'acquired advantage' such that more of the gains from trade are appropriated.  

Otherwise it is in general not the real leaders, and especially not the permanently successful entrepreneurs, who are taken in by it. In particular, the resort to entailed estates and the nobility, with sons whose conduct at the university and in the officers’ corps tries to cover up their social origin, as has been the typical history of German capitalistic parvenu families, is a product of later decadence.

No. It is a type or reinsurance. Social status is a hedge. It is regret minimizing to acquire them when the going is good.  

The ideal type of the capitalistic entrepreneur,

Bertha Krupp? Rathenau & Siemens?  

as it has been represented even in Germany by occasional outstanding examples, has no relation to such more or less refined climbers.

But did have a relation to Germany's capacity for war 

He avoids ostentation and unnecessary expenditure, as well as conscious enjoyment of his power, and is embarrassed by the outward signs of the social recognition which he receives.

The Kaiser personally found Bertha a suitable husband. Germany understood that its big industrialists were vital for national security.  

His manner of life is, in other words, often, and we shall have to investigate the historical significance of just this important fact, distinguished by a certain ascetic tendency, as appears clearly enough in the sermon of Franklin which we have quoted. It is, namely, by no means exceptional, but rather the rule, for him to have a sort of modesty which is essentially more honest than the reserve which Franklin so shrewdly recommends. He gets nothing out of his wealth for himself, except the irrational sense of having done his job well. But it is just that which seems to the pre-capitalistic man so incomprehensible and mysterious, so unworthy and contemptible. That anyone should be able to make it the sole purpose of his life-work, to sink into the grave weighed down with a great material load of money and goods, seems to him explicable only as the product of a perverse instinct, the auri sacra fames.

Popes and prelates can be very fond of gold and precious jewels.  

At present under our individualistic political, legal, and economic institutions,

There were none such. Germany was preparing for war. What no one expected was that it would be as long and as destructive as the American Civil War.  

with the forms of organization and general structure which are peculiar to our economic order, this spirit of capitalism might be understandable, as has been said, purely as a result of adaptation.

German Capitalism was in the sprit of Fredrick the Great not John fucking Calvin.  

The capitalistic system so needs this devotion to the calling of making money,

making steel and canons and submarines 

it is an attitude toward material goods which is so well suited to that system, so the spirit of capitalism  intimately bound up with the conditions of survival in the economic struggle for existence, that there can to-day no longer be any question of a necessary connection of that acquisitive manner of life with any single Weltanschauung.

Sadly, it was the Weltanschauung of the Kaiser & his General Staff.  

...the conception of money-making as an end in itself to which people were bound, as a calling, was contrary to the ethical feelings of whole epochs, it is hardly necessary to prove.

But we can prove the opposite re. the Papacy which had an inordinate appetite for gold. Obviously, it had to pretend that everything to do with getting money was wicked. The good news was you could now buy an indulgence for a low, low, price.  

The dogma Deo placere vix potest
Homo mercator vix aut numquam potest Deo placere- the merchant can never please God. But he can buy an indulgence. God likes to see the Pope get yet more gold. 
which was incorporated into the canon law and applied to the activities of the merchant, and which at that time (like the passage in the gospel about interest) was considered genuine, as well as St. Thomas’s characterization of the desire for gain as turpitudo (which term even included unavoidable and hence ethically justified profit-making), already contained a high degree of concession on the part of the Catholic doctrine to the financial powers with which the Church had such intimate political relations in the Italian cities, as compared with the much more radically anti-chrematistic views of comparatively wide circles.

Killing and robbing Jews is pleasing to God. Strangely, this was the creed Germany embraced. To their credit, Weber's wife and brother had no truck with Hitler.  

But even where the doctrine was still better accommodated to the facts, as for instance with Anthony of Florence, the feeling was never  quite overcome, that activity directed to acquisition for its own sake was at bottom a pudendum which was to be tolerated only because of the unalterable necessities of life in this world.

If you get paid for scolding people, you may as well scold the rich because they alone can pay you.  

...The rationalization of private law, for instance, if it is thought of as a logical simplification and rearrangement of the content of the law, was achieved in the highest hitherto known degree in the Roman law of late antiquity.

England never had it. That doesn't seem to have hurt it in any manner. 

But it remained most backward in some of the countries with the highest degree of economic rationalization, notably in England, where the Renaissance of Roman Law was overcome by the power of the great legal corporations,

The Common Law was seen as a better defence for the Third Estate. When King James came down from Scotland, Lord Coke told him the law was 'artificial reason'. 

while it has always retained its supremacy in the Catholic countries of Southern Europe.

Spain had a problem to do with Mesta & Mortmain but these arose out of feudal, not Roman, law. 

The worldly rational philosophy of the eighteenth century did not find favour alone or even principally in the countries of highest capitalistic development. The doctrines of Voltaire are even to-day the common property of broad upper, and what is practically more important, middle-class groups in the Romance Catholic countries.

Because they were only relevant where the Catholic Church held a lot of power.  

Finally, if under practical rationalism is understood the type of attitude which sees and judges the world consciously in terms of the worldly interests of the individual ego, then this view of life was and is the special peculiarity of the peoples of the liberum arbitrium, such as the Italians and the French are in very flesh and blood.

This is mere bigotry. Still, Weber was a man of his time. What he little suspected was that the times would get even worse.  

But we have already convinced ourselves that this is by no means the soil in which that relationship of a man to his calling as a task, which is necessary to capitalism, has pre-eminently grown.

I may convince myself that I am as beautiful as Beyonce, but it can't change the fact that I'm as ugly as shit.  

In fact, one may—this simple proposition, which is often forgotten should be placed at the beginning of every study which essays to deal with rationalism—rationalize life from fundamentally different basic points of view and in very different directions.

i.e. explain why I am as beautiful as Beyonce 

Rationalism is an historical concept which covers a whole world of different things.

like why I my booty shake is better than Beyonce's.  

It will be our task to find out whose intellectual child the particular concrete form of rational thought was, from which the idea of a calling and the devotion to labour in the calling has grown, which is, as we have seen, so irrational from the standpoint of purely eudæmonistic self-interest, but which has been and still is one of the most characteristic elements of our capitalistic culture.

My task will be find out what happened to the baby I had with Beyonce. Was it Donald Trump?  

We are here particularly interested in the origin of precisely the irrational element which lies in this, as in every conception of a calling.

Perhaps Weber's Calvinist mum- who had psychological problems- was at the root of the irrational element in Weber.  He had stopped writing and had given up his professorship because of a mental breakdown. Perhaps, he realised, deep down, that he was as stupid as shit & his style of Econ was worthless drivel. Then he took to doing 'Sociology of Religion' in a spirit of impartial ignorance of both Social Science and the nature of Religious experiences or states of mind.