Thursday, 23 April 2026

Chandan Sengoopta on Saytajit Ray



 Prof. Chandan Sengoopta has a well researched paper in which he rebuts the view that Satyajit Ray was apolitical. He points out that Ray's grandfather had participated in the campaign against the partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon. His father was sympathetic with the swadesi movement & Ray himself, as a child, had been rather good at spinning cloth. 

Calcutta had a large European, Commercial, population and their discriminatory practices (e.g. Ray being paid one third as much as his English colleague who was equal in rank) must have rankled with the highly educated 'bhadralok' gentry which Ray, himself, represented. 

Before Pather Panchali: The Feudal-Colonial Nexus Ray‘s first serious script, it is well-known, was based on Rabindranath Tagore‘s Ghare Baire and drafted in 1946. 

Before partition- but the atmosphere was darkenting. Direct Action Day riots occurred in August of that year. Tagore's prediction that Muslims would slaughter Hindus was coming true.  

The film was to be directed by Harisadhan Dasgupta (1923-1996),

a documentary film maker with whom Ray sometimes collaborated 

who had recently returned to Calcutta with some Hollywood experience.

He had been to film school in California. It is said that he had been an apprentice to a black-listed actor/Producer. Left wing sympathies was by no means a disadvantage in the Indian film industry.  

Quite a lot of preparatory work was done for the film but the project collapsed when Ray refused to accept changes suggested by the producer.

The boy would have been 23 years old. Ray was 2 years older.  

Shortly after this fiasco and before his fateful encounter with Jean Renoir (who would come to Calcutta in 1950 to film The River), Ray also wrote scripts of Manik Bandyopadhyay‘s ‗Bilamson‘ (‗Williamson‘) and Subodh Ghosh‘s ‗Fossil‘, two starkly anti-colonial stories by communist writers.

The Pakistani's made a good film out of a story by the former. The script was by Faiz Ahmed Faiz. Meanwhile, Pasolini- who had come to India to make 'Motherland' for the Government- had eloped with Harisadhan's wife.  

As Sharmistha Gooptu has shown, Ray‘s thematic choices broadly paralleled trends in mainstream Bengali cinema and in the 1940s, the Bengali film industry, threatened with marginalization by Hindi films from the Bombay studios, evolved specifically Bengali sub-genres, one of which was the anti-colonial melodrama.

Why would this be 'specifically Bengali'? An action film based on the life of, the Indian Bruce Lee,  Bagha Jatin (about whom Dasgupta did do a documentary) would have been a smash hit. 

Ray‘s projects, had they been accomplished, would have pioneered this genre, which came to be represented by films like Hemen Gupta‘s Bhuli Nai (Unforgotten, 1948)

about the 1905 Partition. Back then Hindus had opposed it. More recently, they insisted on it.  

or the same director‘s Byallish (‘Forty-Two, 1951) set against the backdrop of the Quit India movement.

The Brits had fucked off. Hindus from East Bengal were well and truly fucked.  

Ghare Baire, with its emphasis on the Hindu communal character of the swadeshi movement of 1905-7, was a topical subject for the 1940s, a time when Indian politics had divided sharply along communal lines.

No. The country had been partitioned. The minority either accepted second class status or was chased away.  

Tagore‘s novel showed how, Nikhilesh, a liberal landowner, opposed the boycott of foreign goods being called for by his friend Sandip because it was inimical to the interests of his poor and largely Muslim tenants but was destroyed by the forces of fanatical nationalism.

He was killed by Muslims who were killing and looting his Hindu neighbour. This was a case of religious fanaticism, not Nationalism. Also stealing money & raping girls is an agreeable way to pass the time.  

Ray balanced this critique of nationalism, however, with ‗Bilamson‘ and ‗Fossil‘, both of which portrayed the collusion of British colonialism and Indian feudalism.

The Indian landlords paid for British protection. Then they fucked off. Sad.  

‗Bilamson‘, first published in 1943, recounts how the weak-willed Bengali landowner Mahidhar lets his estate be taken over by an Englishman named Stephen F Williamson.  Williamson shows no compunction in destroying lives and communities in order to build roads and factories and the first person to resist him is the local boy Dhurjati, who organises Mahidhar‘s tenants against Williamson. Refusing to leave, Williamson goes on a rampage against the villagers and Dhurjati is killed. Mahidhar tries to evict Williamson but the story ends with Williamson plying him with drink and lecturing him on the sacred duty to stick it out for their shared ideals.

Sadly, the scene where Williamson sodomizes Mahidhar is not shown. Williamson crowns his career of inequity by going off to fight the Japanese. He was so thoroughly racist that he didn't want 'orientals' to take over Bengal & rape & loot its people. Thus, in the end, Williamson is just as bad as Churchill who used to bugger Gandhi senseless.  

An allegory representing the establishment and perpetuation of British colonialism in India, the story implies that colonialism endured because, ultimately, the Indian feudal classes colluded with the British.

Because they were 'plied with drink' & sodomized incessantly by the Viceroy.  

‗It was‘, as Ray outlined the subject later, ‗about an English manager of a zamindar‘s estate and described how a spirited youth takes a stand against the manager‘s exploitation of poor peasants‘.

In other words, it was shit. Indians were very good at exploiting the fuck out of each other. What they were shit at was fighting the Japs or Chinks or whatever.  

Ray‘s one-line summary suggests that his treatment may have included more intense and direct confrontations between Dhurjati and Williamson than in the original story.

Would it feature sodomy? No. How about a cricket match like 'Lagaan'? Fuck that. Such a film might be entertaining. Ray was against entertainment.  

This surmise is supported by the fact that when Ray read out his script to a potential producer, the latter suggested that at the end of the film, the idealistic young hero should cry ‗Quit India!‘ as he confronted the cowering British manager.

The Premier of Bengal at that time was Fazlul Haq. Britishers, like Williamson, were fighting the Japs or the Germans.  

Ray considered it a crass suggestion but whatever its merits, the fact that it could be made indicates that Dhurjati must have survived to the end in Ray‘s treatment, which, therefore, may have been more overtly nationalistic than the original.

Less shit.  

 Subodh Ghosh‘s short story ‗Fossil‘ (1940), set in the tiny princely state of Anjangarh, is also a parable about the colonial-feudal nexus.22 The king of Anjangarh and his court are benighted and cruel but the new law agent, a Bengali polo-playing idealist called Mukherjee, has grand visions for transforming the state. He develops the mining industry and the king‘s treasury overflows with money.

Money is bad. Everybody should starve to death- unless the Japs are willing to enslave Bengal.  

Prosperity, however, brings new challenges. The members of the kurmi tribe

i.e. the agriculturist caste 

are no longer inclined to be serfs and want to be paid for their services.

In which case they need to kill the King, his family, etc. It is called a Revolution.  

The mining syndicate, run by British businessmen, accedes to their demands (the mines could not be operated without kurmi labour) but the king is appalled by the tribals‘ insolence. Eventually, a big mining disaster kills numerous kurmis and in a separate incident, the king‘s own forces fire on a kurmi band for cutting down forest trees without permission, killing nearly two dozen people. 

But were they also sodomized?  

Fearing criticism and press attention, the king and the syndicate join hands to cover up the incidents.

Oh. Sodomy did feature. Sad.

Mukherjee turns ashen when he learns of their plan, and the story ends with him watching the corpse of the kurmi leader and of those who died in the forest shooting

the big 'forest shooting' back then was the Katyn forest massacre 

being lowered into the pit where so many kurmi labourers had already died in the accident. He imagines a distant future when palaeontologists, examining fossilized bones recovered from that pit – ‗whitish, without any bloodstains‘ –

but with bullet holes. Bengalis have shit for brains.  

would decide that these poor, subhuman creatures must have been buried by some sudden natural catastrophe.

After shooting themselves- right? 

The notion that the decadent representatives of feudal India sustained colonialism was central to contemporary communist doctrine and propaganda.

Because, after Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, the Commies had 'sustained colonialism' to the best of their ability- i.e. not at all.  

That Ray, a lifelong liberal, was inspired by it is interesting in itself but it is particularly intriguing that he returned to it, as we shall see later, in a major work of his later years, Shatranj ke Khilari.

Which shows Indian Muslims are more than a bit shit.  

Pather Panchali and Beyond None of this interest in colonialism and nationalism, of course, was immediately perceptible in Ray‘s celebrated first film, Pather Panchali (1955).

He was an artist.  

As we saw earlier, however, critics have seen it, together with the other films of the Apu trilogy, as reflecting and complementing the optimistic Nehruvian vision of a new, progressive India even though the films were set in the 1930s and 40s and despite the ‗complete absence‘ in the films of the ‗dams, irrigation projects, and machinery‘ that characterized the high hopes of Nehru‘s India and which featured prominently in such films as Mehboob Khan‘s Mother India. 

Dhan Gopal's 'Caste & Outcaste' had been published in America in 1923. It was a success. There was a market for a lyrical evocation of a rural childhood even in a shithole country.  

Nehru was a steadfast supporter of the young film-maker and Ray, on his part, admired Nehru so deeply that he even contemplated making a short film which would help the prime minister raise national morale during the 1962 war with China.

It was the commercial Cinema which produced such morale boosting movies. Film stars raised a lot of money. Ray was useless.  

This mutual admiration had little to do with such typically Nehruvian projects as state socialism or industrialization, stemming more from the cosmopolitan liberalism that Ray saw in Nehru and the artistic sensibility that he detected in the prime minister‘s writings.

Nehru thought everything which wasn't boring was vulgar. Ray agreed.  

As C A Bayly has argued, socialism was not all there was to Nehru‘s politics:

being boring was all there was to it.  

‗Nehru had a delicate understanding of the need for social and religious liberality in his vast and disparate society.

No. He understood that Bengalis were shit. Keep them out of decision making. Let the State decline.  

It was his liberal, rather than his socialist, political judgement which characterised the Pandit‘s rule‘. And it was this liberal Nehru whom Ray admired.

Nehru was, as he said, the last Englishman- a crap one- to rule India. That's what Ray admired.  

Although the documentary on the China war was never made, Ray‘s affiliation with the Nehruvian ethos was expressed powerfully in Kanchanjangha (1962), his first film based on his own story and also his first in colour.

Foreigners who wanted to understand why India had been beaten so thoroughly by the Chinese found the explanation in this movie. Darjeeling had been taken by the Brits from Sikkim. China claimed Sikkim, Bhutan, Ladakh etc. on the basis of their claim to Tibet. The Indians wouldn't fight for it because it wasn't Indian land. It was real estate stolen by Brits in 1849. Moreover, the Indians, in their stupid & lethargic way, were moving towards liberating themselves from the British legacy- i.e. private enterprise, the rule of law, having an army & not getting invaded incessantly, etc. etc.  

It told the tale, more or less in real time, of a few hours in the life of a Bengali upper-class family on holiday in Darjeeling, counterposing the old-world values of the elderly magnate Indranath, who cherishes his British title of Rai Bahadur

because the Brits had defended Bengal & kept Hindus from being killed or forcibly converted. Indeed, they had extended its territory to include Darjeeling.  

and adores the ‗erstwhile rulers‘,

who didn't keep losing wars 

with those of Ashok, a young man from a vastly different social background.

No. He has the same social background- i.e. caste/religion. He is just less well connected & economically successful. Obviously, being Bengali, he isn't going to rise by his own hard work & enterprise. 

The latter is no revolutionary and initially hopes to find a job by cultivating the Rai Bahadur, who promptly subjects him to a discourse on the greatness of British rule.

The Brits had beaten the Japs. They would have beaten the Chinese. Nehru would shit himself and surrender.  

Indranath questions what ‗the fruits of independence‘ will be, although he is glad he has lived to taste them, unlike one of his friends, who, he contemptuously remarks, had participated in the nationalist movement and died in jail.

Other contemporaries had been released from jail & then killed or chased away from their ancestral homes in East Bengal.  

Ashok is so irritated by Indranath‘s declamations about British greatness that when he finally agrees to give him a job, he turns it down, declaring that he would find one through his ‗own effort‘. 

Why not start learning Chinese?  

Although he later claims that it was the unusual ambience of Darjeeling that had infused an uncharacteristic courage into his soul, Ashok‘s words suggest something more complicated. ‗To find a job so easily … to hell with it!‘, he exclaims. ‗What will be, will be. Let me struggle. No charity! So what if he‘s the chairman of five companies, so what if he is a Rai Bahadur!‘

So what if he pays taxes? Nehru's government will piss the money against a wall one way or another. China's Chairman is our Chairman! 

Jobless young males would recur insistently in Ray‘s films of the 1970s

his son, fortunately, was able to become a film-maker like his dad- with his dad.  

and many of the director‘s views on the nation would be articulated through or around them. Ashok, however, has none of the detachment of Pratidwandi‘s Siddhartha or the cynicism that Somenath comes to acquire in Jana Aranya. Despite the economic difficulties of life in India,

they would get worse 

the Nehruvian dream, as Ashok all but explicitly declares, still survived for his generation.

He thought he could get a job. Since he was of working age & was capable of work, this was a realistic ambition.  

‗Struggle‘ would lead to success not simply for Ashok the individual but, it is implied, for his class and his nation, proving Indranath‘s generation wrong.

Proving them right. The Brits had struggled to rise as had the Indians who worked for them and who later took over the management of enterprises created by them.  

Ben Nyce has rightly observed that Kanchanjangha is ‗a political statement about post-independence India‘ but he does not analyze the interesting way in which the statement is articulated.

It was a shitty film which, because of the date when it came out, confirmed that India would accept the loss of territory the Brits had conquered from non-Indian polities. Also, they would be as lazy as shit.              

The clash of nationalist faith and colonial toadyism

which couldn't exist because the Brits had fucked off 

is presented as a debate between two generations and two social classes, albeit not entirely as a face to face exchange. Instead of listing the fruits of independence‘,

West Bengal was now ruled by Hindus, not Muslims.  

Ashok speaks up for freedom itself,

being unemployed gives you more free time 

whilst acknowledging the responsibility that came with freedom (‗struggle‘). Indranath, however, does not get an opportunity to reply – the debate is closed by Ashok‘s response. This structure was typical of Ray. All his characters, even the least likable, were given ample space and a largely uninhibited voice – this respect for his characters, of course, was largely responsible for Ray‘s reputation as a ‗humanist‘ who, like Jean Renoir, believed that everyone had his reasons. What the champions of the humanistic‘ Ray tend to overlook, however, is that all reasons weren‘t necessarily equal in Ray‘s universe.

They were all nonsense.  

Certain types of characters and their views, even though freely articulated, were invariably contested within the narrative and refuted directly or by implication.

It is vulgar to be productive. Scolding is the sole activity worthy of a buddhijivi.  

Debates were never left open but closed on specific notes, endorsing one side or another by giving it the last word. Ray‘s narratives, in short, are all-embracing but they are never allforgiving.

They are silly. How does scolding an industrialist help protect the country from Chinese invaders?  

A Nation in Making? In 1964, Ray made Charulata, which he would always regard as his most perfect film. Based on the novella ‗Nashtaneer‘ by Rabindranath Tagore, the film has been written about extensively.

Husbands should have sex with their wives. Women want to have babies. At least, let them adopt a child.  

Its political content, however, has not been appreciated adequately.

It had none. 

Set in 1879-80, two years after Queen Victoria was proclaimed as the Empress of India at a grand durbar in Delhi, the film contains a remarkable recreation and critique of nineteenth-century moderate‘ nationalism.

There was no such thing. Either you were a loyalist or you just focussed on making money. Either way, you had zero importance.  

Much of this is achieved through Ray‘s radically expanded characterization of Bhupati, the wealthy Bengali intellectual who is so obsessed with his political newspaper that he neglects his young and gifted wife Charu,

Why is he not fucking her? That is his fucking job. If his 'political newspaper' can get him into the good books of the Administration, he may get the title of Rao Bahadur. But nobody would greatly care.  

who falls in love with Bhupati‘s cousin Amal. In Tagore‘s original, Bhupati is a bit of a lightweight – there are hardly any references to his politics in the story and the story is mostly about his romantic travails.

In those days, grooms were twice the age of their child-brides. Some neglected fucking them because they came to see them more as daughters who should be educated rather than people who wanted to have babies. Tagore had a sister-in-law who committed suicide coz she was getting no nookie & thus was doomed to a childless existence. 

Ray‘s Bhupati, however, is a fully fleshed-out liberal –

nobody cares if a slave is liberal or conservative.  

and Liberal: he is a fervent supporter of Gladstone).

Gladstone didn't need his support. India had no MPs in Westminster. Ireland did. That's why Gladstone was becoming pro-Irish.  

He hates the label ‗idle rich‘

though he is too lazy to fuck his wife 

and seeks to use his wealth to bring about political reform and national improvement.

By scolding people.  

He has no time for literature and declares to Amal that from a national point of view, a new tax represents a greater tragedy than Romeo and Juliet.

Romeo & Juliet is entertainment merely. What Ray doesn't get is that India needed new taxes so as to have more resources to solve collective action problems which would raise productivity. Ray had a degree in Econ.  

Bhupati is always ready to criticize the government (which shocks Amal) but he is as loyal to British rule as the great Bengali teacher, politician and journalist Surendranath Banerjea (1848-1925), whose speeches Bhupati adores and on whose paper The Bengalee Ray modelled Bhupati‘s newspaper The Sentinel.

Surrender-not did help set up the Indian National Congress which achieved mass contact through cow protection.  

To be outspoken‘, Bhupati tells Amal, ‗is not necessarily to be disloyal‘ but when Amal plays ‗God save the Queen‘ on the piano, he wryly comments that saving the Queen was all very well, but how would the Bengali people be saved?

They had been saved by the Brits. Once the Brits fucked off, their condition would deteriorate- unless they let rural girls get transferred to giant factory dormitories.  

The answer, for Bhupati‘s generation, is not by ending the Raj but by its continuation in a less despotic and more genuinely British form.

That was A.O Hume's idea. Sadly Surrender-Not wasn't interested. Bengalis like scolding only.  

Bhupati‘s political mentors are ‗Burke, Macaulay, Gladstone‘ and even though he has never been to Europe, he worships ‗France, Germany, Greece, Italy – the land of Mazzini and Garibaldi‘. This belief in the providential nature of European rule had also been held by Rammohan Roy (1772-1833), whom Bhupati hails as the ‗first and greatest liberal of the nineteenth century‘ and ‗the father of our political consciousness‘ at a party to celebrate the victory of Gladstone and the Liberals in the British general election of 1880.

Roy & Tagore had lobbied Westminster to lift all restrictions on European migration to India. The truth is, the Bengalis gained by British expansion in Burma.  

British rule, Rammohan had thought, would benefit

Hindus by protecting them from Muslims 

Indians by introducing capitalism and bringing about ‗improvement in literary, social and political affairs‘; for him as well as for his admirers, the quest for Indian nationhood was ultimately a quest for modernity.

As opposed to being massacred by Muslims. 

Their nationalism had few real connections with the Indian masses

It was based on fucking over the masses through the Permanent Settlement.  

and was largely restricted to the small community of English-educated Indians.

No. There were plenty of landlords who didn't know English though they might employ them as lawyers or Estate Managers.  

Ray‘s engagement with late Victorian nationalism in Charulata, Suranjan Ganguly has argued, might have been related to Nehru‘s death the year the film was made.

Ray knew Niradh Chauduri whose pro-British views were becoming popular as the country turned into a starving shithole unable to defend itself even from an equally shitty Pakistan. f 

For Ray‘s generation it marked the end of a dream shaped by a nineteenth-century cultural ethos‘.

The English speaking Indian class was no substitute for actual English folk.  

But Nehru, of course, was also a powerful critic of nineteenth-century nationalism.

No he wasn't. Socialism is a nineteenth century ideology which was part & parcel of the agitation for National Self-determination.  

Although he admired the moderates for their ‗advanced social outlook‘, he described them as ‗a mere handful on the top with no touch with the masses‘

because that is what the Brits were saying 

and thinking only in terms of the new upper middle class which they partly represented and which wanted room for expansion‘.

Whereas what Nehru stood for was contraction- i.e. losing territory & then not having enough food to eat.  

This is almost exactly the crtique of moderate nationalism that is implicit in Charulata.

Not to mention Mughal-e-Azam & Raquel Welsch in 'One Million years BC' 

The film even hints at the eventual rise of more radical varieties of nationalism with its references to Bankimchandra Chatterji (1838-1894),

who worked for the Brits 

the novelist whose complex influence on Indian nationalism has been explored in depth by Tapan Raychaudhuri, Partha Chatterjee, Sudipta Kaviraj and others.

Useless Bengalis talking bollocks about useless Bengalis. Bipin's importance lies in his anti-Muslim ideology.  

41 In Ray‘s film, Bankim is not just Charu‘s favourite novelist, but also the author of Anandamath, the novel about an eighteenth-century rebellion that contains the famous hymn Bande Mataram (Hail, Mother), the song that would become the battle-cry of the early-twentieth-century swadeshi movement and, subsequently, of militants, terrorists and Hindu nationalists.

Muslim Nationalism is fine. But Hindus should not have a Nation.  

The first words that Amal says to Charu in the film are: ‗Have you read Anandamath?‘ Later, when Bhupati tries to entice him into marriage by saying that the prospective father-in-law had offered to send him to Britain, he, after rhapsodizing on ‗the land of Shakespeare‘, recites a few lines from Bande Mataram and declines the offer.

Why go to Britain to learn to do useful things? Why not be utterly useless while scolding everything in sight?  

No critic, to my knowledge, has noticed that these allusions to Anandamath, completely absent from Tagore‘s story, are blatantly anachronistic for a film set so firmly in 1879-80. Bankim‘s novel was serialized in his magazine Bangadarsan from March 1881 to June 1882 and published as a book in December 1882.

Nobody gives a fuck.  

Given the care with which Ray had researched the film‘s historical background, this is unlikely to have been a simple error. Instead, I would argue, Anandamath was brought in intentionally

because Bengalis knew Bankim. They didn't know Gladstone.  

to indicate that radical alternatives to Bhupati‘s loyalist nationalism were gestating in Bengali culture.

There was some point to being loyal but useless. Why not be disloyal & useless?  

The association of Anandamath with Amal, moreover, is interesting. Tagore as well as Ray deride his literary efforts so thoroughly that it is hard to take him seriously. And yet, Amal genuinely adores Bankimchandra‘s writings and feels a deep bond with Bengal.

Because he is Bengali.  

Although he opts for marriage, a paid-for trip to Britain and the career of a barrister at the end of the film, he has already revealed his awareness of the racial discrimination that he would experience in England.

Sadly, racial discrimination was much greater in Calcutta.  

A Bengali in Bilet (England), he says in the course of a game of alliteration with Charu, would be treated as a black native and come back to Bengal baap-baap boley (with tail between his legs).

He'd return as a barrister. Would he also have a 'L.L.D' (i.e. will he have married the land lady's daughter)? If so, he might amount to something.  

The Indian viewer would also be aware that whilst many barristers lived lives of prosperous conformity, a whole generation of Indian nationalists, including Gandhi and Nehru, had also trained as barristers in Britain.

They didn't 'train'. The ate dinners & passed exams.  

So, Amal‘s future remains entirely open and we cannot decide whether or not his passion for Bankim and his chanting of Bande Mataram presages a later, serious involvement with some nationalist creed far more radical than Bhupati‘s.

He seems a nice enough lad. Will he fuck his wife? If so, he may have progeny.  

Counterposed to these two men, of course, is Charu who has no political interest and whose love for literature has no English referent.

She wants to get preggers.  

When she tries to write, she first tries to imitate Amal‘s florid style, just as her husband models his political activities on British exemplars. Unlike Bhupati, however, Charu is far from satisfied with the results and turns ultimately to write about the people and places she has herself known. The people Charu envisions in a reverie – presented as a montage of pastoral scenes of rural Bengal – just before she sits down to write her piece would never be seen at a party hosted by Bhupati. Her piece entitled ‗My Village‘ is accepted by an elite  journal that published the work of new writers so rarely that Amal had decided not to send any of his essays to it.

We must scold magazines for not publishing our scoldings. Also, how soon before even goats & cows start publishing articles about their village or their pig sty or whatever? 

The source of Charu‘s creativity‘, Suranjan Ganguly has remarked, ‗becomes the point of convergence where thought, memory, and emotion all come together‘.

In other words, she has a brain. Not a big one. Still, for the moment she is one up on goats & cows.  

This convergence does not simply pull her ever more deeply into her own self. It also enables her to reach into the heart of the nation, represented by her village and its very ordinary residents.

Sadly, she does not mention the pigs & some of the more loquacious plants.  

In short, Charu resolves what Partha Chatterjee has claimed was the greatest tension ‗in all nationalist thought‘ – the tension between ‗the modern‘ and ‗the national‘ – by using the modern vernacular print culture to connect with and represent her people, the unmodern masses of rural India.

also the goats & cows. It must be said, the cow-protection league did have some impact.  

Although Charu‘s literary success is used as a lens to reveal the flaws in Amal‘s approach to literature as well as Bhupati‘s idea of nationalism, the critique does not proceed by debate, as in Kanchanjangha, but by narrative intertwining and analogy.

Basically, the Bengalis were giving themselves a pat on the back for having been less poor & stupid in a previous century.  

The structure of the narrative compels viewers to contrast Charu‘s originality

she recalls some nice cows & goats from her village. Sadly, she doesn't have a baby & thus has to write for the magazines. 

with the ‗derivative discourse‘ of Bhupati and Amal. Before the emergence of Gandhian mass nationalism,

there was cow-protection &  Ganesh Chaturthi & the anti-Partition Swadesi agitation. After that there was Jugantar, Ghaddar, etc.  If Tegart hadn't been able to kill Tiger Jatin, nobody would have bothered with Gandhi.

Partha Chatterjee has argued, the only real alternative to the deracinated modernism of the moderates was religious-communal‘ nationalism.

After 1917, there was a rapidly growing Communist Left.  

Ray‘s representation does not acknowledge this.

If you make a film about Bagha Jatin- it will be as exciting as 'Fists of Fury'. Ray didn't want to make anything which wouldn't bore everybody to death.  

Apart from a few images of a charak festival, Charu‘s reverie ignores the explicitly religious and it is surely noteworthy that Tagore‘s title for her piece, ‗Kalitala‘ (The Kali Temple), is changed by Ray to ‗Amar Gram‘ (‗My Village‘) in the film.

Ray truly hated Hinduism.  

Similarly, when Amal quotes from Bankimchandra‘s Bande Mataram, all religious and idolatrous references are quietly omitted – just the three words sujalang, suphalang, sashyashyamalang (‗rich in waters, rich in fruit … verdant with the harvest 16 fair‘) are used to indicate his attachment to Bengal.

He is a Sickularist cunt.  

Ray‘s Nehruvian sensibility, in other words, is perceptible not only in his critique of Bhupati‘s Eurocentric nationalism but in the ‗secularization‘ of the battle-cry of its future opponents. A similar expurgation, as we know, preceded the approval of Bande Mataram as a national song by the Indian National Congress in 1937. On the advice of Rabindranath Tagore, a committee that included Jawaharlal Nehru decided that only the first two stanzas of the song would be acceptable to Muslims and other monotheists.

Nothing was acceptable to Muslims save the slaughter of Kaffirs.  

So far, so Nehruvian –

actually, Nehru was less boring than Ray. At least, he'd spent a lot of time in Jail. Did he also meet the Shawshank sisters? We hope so.  

but Charulata also moves beyond the progressivism and developmentalism espoused by the Nehru generation. The sylvan images of her village that flit through Charu‘s mind do not suggest an economically battered colony in desperate need of Nehruvian development‘,

i.e. the Etawah model produced by Americans. But AO Hume had done better in Etawah a century previously. 

nor the infinite poverty which, for Bhupati‘s generation, could only be remedied by industrialization and the cultivation of European modernity.

or what would become Japanese modernity, Chinese modernity, Korean modernity etc.  

The nation Charu connects with is not one that, to use Surendranath Banerjea‘s phrase, is ‗in making‘ – it already exists in all its eternal plenitude.

i.e. has lots of cows & goats 

Here Ray is even more Tagorean than Tagore himself was in Nashtaneer‘.

i.e. he is more boring.  

As Dipesh Chakrabarty has shown, Tagore never ignored the actual deprivation and squalor that was to be found in the Bengali village. Nevertheless, he also believed that something transcendental lay beyond the objective and historical condition of those villages: if one had the eyes to see and the sensitivity to experience it, one could ‗pierce the veil of the real‘ and perceive the eternal soul of sonar Bangla (golden Bengal).

Sadly, Tagore's rent roll collapsed during the Great Depression. If sonar Bangla can't produce gold for zamindars, it has turned to lead.  

The images that glide through Charu‘s mind and into her essay in Ray‘s film are not just one individual‘s memories: they are visions of the eternal and eternally nurturing nation lying beyond ordinary perception.

Unless, like the good Professor, you live in London. 

A Nation in Disarray It has often been noted that Ray‘s Nehruvian faith in progress,

Industrialization? He wasn't big for it. What was he for? Poverty porn. There was a foreign market for that.  

reason and the nation crumbled over the second half of his career. These were the years when the political liberalism, relatively honest administration and national optimism of the Nehru years came to be replaced by pervasive corruption in government,

Ray worked for a British Company in Calcutta. He knew corruption was already pervasive there. The Bombay Stock Exchange indicted Mundhra for selling forged share certificates in 1956 itself. But Marwaris & British Managing Agencies had been colluding to get round Exchange Controls from 1946 onward. No 'box-wallah' didn't know the sordid details.  

economic stagnation, industrial unrest, violent political clashes in Bengal between the Naxalites (as the Maoists of that period were known) and their political adversaries from the left as well as the right, a huge influx of refugees from the erstwhile East Pakistan in 1971

like the one in 1947? 

and a general lowering of the quality of life all over the nation that could not be obscured by Indira Gandhi‘s increasingly strident socialist rhetoric.

Socialism was the cause, not the effect.  

In the words of Sunil Khilnani, ‗intellectuals outside the government slumped into despair or catatonia‘ during this period:

they emigrated. Ray should have fucked off to Hollywood & made films titled 'Tarzan meets King Kong'.  

‗The sense of a ―crisis‖ was everywhere: India‘s original project seemed to have fallen into corruption and degeneration‘.

It became dynastic.  

It was against this bleak backdrop that Ray entered into a remarkable new phase of his career, charting, from the end of the 1960s, ‗the moral and spiritual collapse of the new urban India … and the death of a whole cultural ethos‘ in films like Aranyer Din-Ratri (Days and Nights in the Forest, 1969),

A forest without either Tarzan or fucking is as boring as shite.  

Pratidwandi (The Adversary, 1970) , Seemabaddha (Company Limited, 1971) and Jana Aranya (The Middleman, 1975).51 The dark themes, unpleasant characters and sardonic humour of this series nonplussed admirers of the old, serene Ray.

By then, Calcutta's reputation as the arsehole of the Turd World was well established.  

‗How does one explain the change in Satyajit?‘, wondered the leftist poet Samar Sen after seeing Jana Aranya, whilst other voices lamented Ray‘s failure to commit himself to revolutionary socialism, which, for them, represented the only rational solution for the Indian malaise.

You could make an exciting film about Naxals on the run from the Police. Ray didn't want to make exciting films.  

 Some forty years later, these films remain little-known in comparison to Ray‘s earlier works and scholars are just beginning to grapple seriously with them.

Scholars grapple with scholarly shite- not boring videos on YouTube.  

All four are key texts for any study of Ray‘s evolving views on the Indian nation but Pratidwandi is the most immediately relevant to the present essay. Based on a novel by Sunil Gangopadhyay, the film charts the experiences of Siddhartha, a young, introspective and unemployed graduate.

Ray's son was a history graduate. He had to go into the family business. Siddharta was a medical student who discontinued his studies after his father died. Will he get a job as a medical rep? No. He is useless. The fact is, plenty of poor would be medicos got work with a Charity hospital & then slowly acquired professional qualifications. Nothing wrong with starting off as a surgical assistant & learning on the job. Alternatively, the boy could have sat the Army's AFMC exam. 

Its most striking sequences are of job interviews. One of them, coming early in the film, is at a Government of India office, where three officials grill Siddhartha entirely in English. One interviewer, speaking in a clipped Oxbridge accent, asks: ‗Who was the prime minister of England at the time of independence?‘ ‗Whose independence, sir?‘, responds Siddhartha.

India's. England was already independent. The answer was 'Clement Atlee- who also nationalised the 'commanding heights' of the British Economy and set up the National Health Service which offered free medical treatment to all. ' 

That slight stress on the ‗whose‘ encapsulates the whole sense of disillusionment with the Indian nation that Ray would express in the 1970s.

No. It is a reference to the Bengali belief that 'China's chairman is our Chairman'. India can't be independent unless ruled from Beijing. Sadly, Churchill had prevented it being ruled from Tokyo. 

(Can one imagine Ashok of Kanchanjangha speaking in such a way?)

No. That's because the Chinese didn't invade till later in the year. Bengalis become very happy if they think some bunch of foreigners is on the point of taking over their country.  

But what really upsets the interviewers is Siddhartha‘s claim that the war in Vietnam, not the moonlanding, is the most significant event of the last decade.

Why not just say 'I'm a Naxal. If you give me a job, I will destroy your enterprise. Also, I will rape your family to death.' ? 

The latter, the young man explains, was a remarkable achievement‘ but far from unpredictable. The Vietnam war, however, had revealed an extraordinary power of resistance‘ that nobody had expected from the Vietnamese people.

Except the French who had to run away from there.  Would the South Vietnamese be able to keep out the North Vietnamese Communists? No. One eighth of the population had to run away. 

This isn‘t a matter of technology – it‘s just plain human courage and it takes your breath away‘.

The boat people showed courage. If they survived, they did well.  

The chair of the interview panel now asks the obvious question: ‗Are you a communist?‘ Siddhartha‘s reply that one did not need to be a communist to admire Vietnamese resistance

to Vietnamese Communism?  

is obviously not adequate and he is asked to leave.

 Because he is a shit candidate for a job in the private sector. 

The viewer, however, is convinced in the next scene that Siddhartha is not a communist. Sitting despondently at a tea shop after the interview, Siddhartha is accosted by an old political friend who reminds him of his activism during his college-days and asks him to come and work for the party‘ again.

i.e. kill Congress supporters then mix their blood with rice and forcibly feed it to their mothers till they go stark staring mad.  

Entirely uninterested, Siddhartha turns his face away and the acquaintance‘s soothing baritone voice is drowned out by Siddhartha‘s angry thoughts.

Stupid thoughts. Emigrate already, you cretin! 

The third ideological option available to him – mainstream Indian nationalism

i.e. joining the IAS 

– is excluded immediately after this encounter. Slinking into one of the fashionable ‗English‘ cinemas of central Calcutta, Siddhartha is confronted with a government newsreel showing images of a smiling Indira Gandhi and proclaiming the greatness of the 1970-71 budget and simply closes his eyes and settles down for a snooze.

Not a wank? Sad.  

But politics cannot be excluded so easily. As was often the case in Calcutta then, a bomb, planted by Maoists or their adversaries, goes off within the cinema and along with everybody else, the drowsy Siddhartha rushes out on to the street. In the melee, his watch falls from his wrist and stops. He takes it to a repair shop and is told that the balance wheel is broken. The broken watch sums up the lack of fit between Siddhartha, his nation, his age and his city.

HMT had been producing (shitty) watches since about 1962. The broken watch doesn't symbolize shit. 

Apart from his obvious disillusionment with the different brands of politics, he is also shocked by the ease with which his old friends have succumbed to various degrees of immorality and how his own sister is ready to sell out to whatever capitalist opportunities are available.

She is prepared to work for a living as a receptionist. She doesn't object to getting a modelling contract. How shocking!  

Virtually nothing about present-day India or Calcutta appeals to him and when he sees a group of American hippies marvelling over a cow and imagining India to be some spiritual haven, he can scarcely hide his disbelief.

He doesn't say 'Moo!' & produce plenty of dung. Sad.  

Pushed into a corner by his own personality and his society, Siddhartha ultimately breaks free by doing something so self-destructive that he has to leave Calcutta and the woman he has just fallen in love with.

He is a loser. Then he loses.  

An ambiguous ending, combining a Hindu funeral chant with the call of a mysterious bird

Maeterlinck's blue bird? 

that Siddhartha had heard in childhood and has been looking for throughout the film, suggests that he may well have recovered his soul but only by sacrificing his worldly prospects and personal happiness.

Medical student loses his Daddy. How will he finance his medical education? He won't. He is a loser. 

In this India, 'struggle‘ had no meaning and the fruits of independence, it seemed, were as sour as Indranath had feared they would be.

Also, film-making would have no meaning- unless it was entertaining & made money.  

Spectres of the Raj Despite his deepening doubts about the Indian nation, Ray‘s anti-colonial attitude never weakened significantly.

It was never strong. Moreover, it was irrelevant. Bengal had been ruled by elected leaders since he was 16. Famine & ethnic cleansing was the result.  

This is often more evident in his stories. In a 1987 science-fiction tale, for instance, the protagonist Professor Shonku has just developed a computerized device that can communicate with spirits. The first spirit he summons is of Siraj-ud-Daula, the last independent Nawab of Bengal, and the only question the spirit is asked concerns the Black Hole incident. Did Siraj really order the inevitable death of so many British people by imprisoning them in a tiny room? The spirit of Siraj replies unequivocally that he hadn‘t known anything about the incident and the British had concoted the story simply to discredit him. ‗Spirits do not lie‘, writes a relieved Shonku in his diary, ‗and it was a great vindication‘.

If Siraj didn't do it, some minion of his did. Why didn't he catch the fellow & string him up? He had 'command responsibility'.  

The Raj is often presented in Ray‘s stories through ghosts but the story I want to discuss in detail, ‗First Class Kamra‘ (First Class Compartment), is only seemingly a ghost story. 

Ghost stories can be entertaining. Ray was against entertainment.  

A rich man called Ranjan Kundu, travelling by train from Raipur in Central India to his hometown Calcutta in 1970, is delighted that by some miracle, he has got a spacious, British-era first-class compartment.

They had been taken out of service in 1955. 

A fervent Anglophile like the Rai Bahadur of Kanchanjangha, Kundu resents the disappearance of these old luxuries in independent India  and we hear much about his views on the decline of India since the departure of the British. Calcutta was now a mess – the telephones didn‘t work, the public transport was unbearably crowded and life had become nasty and brutish. Returning after a visit to London, Kundu had exclaimed, ‗the British know how to live, know the value of a well-regulated lifestyle, know what civic sense means‘.

Sengoopta lives in London. It isn't great, but it isn't utterly shit either. Still, there are way too many darkies & the place stinks of curry. 

No wonder, then, that Kundu is delighted to get his Raj-era compartment and to add to his pleasure, he can travel in lordly solitude because his friend, Pulakesh Sarkar, who was supposed to accompany him, cannot ultimately come. In sheer joy, he simply strolls around the compartment for a few minutes and then, having finished a rather Bengali supper of luchi and vegetables (whilst sighing for the chicken curry, rice and custard pudding that used to be served by the railway caterers in British days), he curls up with a book and drifts off to sleep. Waking up when the train stops at a station, Kundu is startled to find another passenger in the compartment. Bathed in the dim glow of the blue reading lamp, a white man sat in the berth facing him, drinking whisky. The moment he notices Kundu, he barks: ‗You there! Get out and leave me alone! I refuse to travel with a nigger‘.

Indians, if properly dressed, had always been permitted to travel first class. Moreover, if you had reserved a first class compartment, you got the Railway staff to eject anyone else who might be sitting in it.  

Kundu had never fully believed stories of British mistreatment of Indians during the Raj and he finds it incredible that he was being called a nigger by an Englishman on Indian soil in 1970. But maybe, he thinks, it was only because the man was drunk, and calmly points out to him that India had been independent for twenty-five years and Englishmen were now expected to address Indians politely.6 Exploding in laughter, his co-passenger asks when India became free. Upon hearing the date, he whips out a revolver and, introducing himself as Major Davenport, rages: ‘You‘re not just a nigger, you‘re insane. Do you know what year this is?     ?1932. That loincloth-clad leader of yours is trying to cause trouble, but no matter how much you lot dream of independence, it will never become reality‘.

Actually,  it could have become reality in 1924. In 1931, the Prime Minister clarified that Dominion status was what the Round Table Conferences were working toward. 

Cowering in a corner, Kundu muses that if only his hot-tempered, patriotic friend Pulakesh had been with him, he would surely have taught this crazy Englishman a lesson, gun or no gun. He also recalls a story he had heard long ago of an army man, also named Major Davenport, who, in the days of the Raj, had actually been killed by a ‗native‘ whom he had tried to evict from his compartment. But Kundu lacks that kind of courage and finds himself promising Davenport that he will get out at the next station. Davenport drinks on, occasionally muttering ‗dirty nigger, dirty nigger‘, but Kundu, exhausted by the encounter and inured to the abuse, dozes off. When he wakes, it‘s daytime and the compartment is empty. Kundu breathes a deep sigh of relief, assuming that his tormentor had been a ghost – maybe of that same Davenport who had been killed years ago, perhaps in that very same compartment. Returning to Calcutta, Kundu keeps mum about his terrifying experience but his friends gradually notice that he had lost much of his fondness for the British Raj. Ten years go by and finally, one evening Kundu tells his patriotic friend Pulakesh about the incident. The latter reveals with a chuckle that the whole thing had been a practical joke conceived to liberate Kundu from his delusions about the British. Upon seeing the old first-class compartment and also recalling the story of Major Davenport, Pulakesh had immediately thought of the trick and claiming to be unable to travel with his friend, had got into the adjoining compartment. The moustache had been a bit of cotton wool from his first-aid box, the whisky was borrowed from a 23 fellow-passenger and the gun was a toy belonging to that passenger‘s child. The rest, he says, was done by the dim blue light and Kundu‘s imagination.

If a Bengali is your friend, you have no need for an enemy. I suppose that's the reason Bengalis want to be ruled by foreigners from distant lands.  

Once again, the narrator is as apparently neutral as the narrator of Kanchanjangha. Kundu‘s reasons for missing the Raj are far from irrational and listed without the slightest sarcasm. The nationalist side, represented by Pulakesh Sarkar, wins the debate not by listing the ‗fruits of independence‘ but by physically staging a particular aspect of life during the Raj.

No. It stages a fantasy.  

The practical joke demonstrates that one does not need to evaluate the achievements of independent India to oppose the Raj:

Why oppose something which ceased to exist long ago?  

all the clean cities or firm governance in the world cannot make up for the absence of freedom and dignity.

Nor can freedom & dignity make up for the entire place smelling like shit.  

Beyond Mainstream Nationalism Despite such statements on colonialism, Ray, during this period, could not regain his old Nehruvian faith in the nation.

You can't regain what you never had.  

Nor, however, could he find a better alternative until his very last film Agantuk (The Stranger, 1991). The film was based on one of Ray‘s own stories for children, albeit greatly expanded and embellished.

Bibhuti's Apu goes on adventures to far-away lands. His Rider Haggard like stories set in Africa have been turned into box office hits. Ray does not get that it is places the anthropologist has visited which are interesting. His returning to Bengal to scold everybody is not interesting at all. His family thinks he has returned to make sort of property claim.  

A mysterious man suddenly visits a middleclass Bengali family, claiming to be an uncle who had disappeared long ago. Having travelled the world and made a reputation as an anthropologist, he has now returned home for a brief halt before moving on again. Unsure about his identity and motivations, his relatives treat him with suspicion and after an unpleasant confrontation with a family friend, the uncle goes away to Santiniketan, where he is followed by his embarrassed relatives. They find him, not in Tagore‘s university, nor in the middle-class neighbourhoods around the university, but in a nearby village, consorting with Santal tribals and drinking their home-brewed liquor, hanriya.

Sadly, a 'Santal tribal' is now President of India. Mamta & Mahua are not pleased.  

Instead of expatiating on the simplicity or the primitive charm of the tribals, he lectures his niece and her husband on their patriotism.

Bengalis live to scold.  

The ultimate distinction of the Santals, for him, is that they fought the British long before anybody else in India. The allusion, of course, is to the great ‗Santal Rebellion‘ of 1855-56 against oppressive and corrupt Hindu (usually Bengali) moneylenders and traders but also, subsidiarily, the British government.

The Santhals had arrived in the Parganas from 1790 to 1820. They were good fighters and were able to assert property rights in the lands to which they had recently immigrated (after a big famine in their own ancestral land). The Brits had promoted their migration into Birbhum etc. Thus the Santhals in Shantiniketan had only arrived circa 1800.  

Although the Santal insurrection was far from exclusively anti-British

It was a struggle for land. They won. Get over it.  

and pervaded, moreover, by millenarian and supernatural elements that Ray would have disdained in his early years, the anthropologist uncle is convinced that it was India‘s first war of independence.

Because he is as stupid as shit. The fact is the Santhal ancestral Chota Nagpur area only came under direct British control in the 1830s. There was considerable reform in response to disaffection amongst the indigenous people.  

Although supposedly ‗uncivilized‘, the santals‘ patriotism was worth far more to him than the modernist nationalism of urban Indians.

Santhals speak a Munda language. Clearly, this gives them first right to territory traditionally Bengali speaking.  

As Prathama Banerjee has demonstrated, the Santals have traditionally been used by the Bengali middle classes as ‗primitive‘ foils against whom they have constructed their self-image as ‗advanced‘, an image that was in part born of their own subjugation by the even more ‗advanced‘ British.

Santhals, like Britishers, looked down on the feeble Bengali. Brahmins like Mamta & Mahua are telling President Murmu to fuck off back where she came from.  

In his final film, Ray sought to dismantle this ‗politics of time‘, portraying the ‗primitives‘, who had gained the least from the creation of the modern Indian state, as the earliest and most genuine patriots, whilst ‗civilized‘ Calcuttans were presented as shallow, smug and narrowminded.

Anything and anyone is better than a Bengali. The whole Universe was only created as a stick for Bengalis to beat Bengalis with.  

Interestingly, the Santals were not portrayed in Agantuk with any of the eroticized exoticism so characteristic of modernist primitivism and which, indeed, had been prominent in Ray‘s own earlier film Aranyer DinRatri.

Birsa Munda was the big Santhal hero. The state of Jharkhand was created on his birth anniversary.  

There was a whole new tendency in Ray‘s final film to question the value of ‗civilization‘, ‗science‘ and ‗progress‘ that revealed how far the director had outgrown his early Nehruvian tendencies.

He understood that he wasn't the Indian Bergman. He was a primitive ethnographer with a side-line in scolding.  

Had he, however, moved beyond Rabindranath Tagore, to whom he was supposedly linked by profound intellectual, ideological and emotional bonds?

His Uncle directed Tagore's only venture into film. Then, Nitin Bose invented play-back singing thus giving Indian Cinema its killer app. In the South, 'Reel Society' took over 'Real Society'. In Bengal, Cinema turned to shit.  

The very theme of the film – the meaning and value of civilization – echoes Tagore‘s famous address on the occasion of his eightieth birthday, ‗Sabhhyatar Sankat‘ (Crisis in Civilization) but the Tagoreanism of Agantuk is not the conventional Tagoreanism of the Bengali middle classes.

Fuck would stupid Bengalis know about civilization? If you aren't productive & can't defend yourself, you aren't a civilization. You are some sort of parasitic entity.  

The climactic scenes of the film occur near Santiniketan but not in it, and its protagonists are the Santals, not the refined Bengalis who come to study at Tagore‘s university or the aging Calcuttans who come to spend their retirement near it. At the end of his career, the denizens of the poverty-stricken villages of tribal India

relatively recent immigrants. 

seemed to Ray to be better representatives of Tagorean values than the comfortable bourgeoisie of Calcutta, or, for that matter, the power-brokers of Delhi.

We get it. Tagorean values are shit. If your life is shitty- that's what you have.  

But on the fundamental point of Indian independence, Ray remained unmoved and he became increasingly bitter in his final years about the contemporary West‘s pornographic interest in Indian poverty.

The West had a pornographic interest in people with hot bods & huge wangs. Some may have pretended that they cared about starving darkies but they didn't really.  

This bitterness was probably reinforced by allegations by film-star Nargis Dutt and others in the 1980s that Ray had built his international career by peddling images of Indian poverty. Ray‘s response to this controversy involved making as stark a film on Indian poverty and social oppression as Sadgati (Deliverance, 1981)

Which was shit. 

and simultaneously opposing Western, neo-colonial attempts to exploit those same subjects. It is well-known, for instance, that Ray opposed the film City of Joy (1992), which, directed by Roland Joffé and based on a Dominique Lapierre novel, depicted the brutalization of the poor in Calcutta.

It was shit despite starring Patrick Swayze.  More porn, less poverty is what the box office said. 

 Such Western attempts to ‗sell‘ Indian poverty

Louis Malle's 'Phantom India'? It didn't make a lot of money.  

were at the heart of Robertsoner Ruby (Robertson‘s Ruby), Ray‘s final story about detective Prodosh Chandra Mitra (known to all as Feluda), which was published posthumously in 1992.

Strangely, Ray wasn't dead when he wrote it. 

Feluda, his cousin Tapes (Topshe) and the mystery writer Lalmohan Ganguly, are on their way to Birbhum for a vacation

because Hell was sold out- right? 

and run into two British friends who have come to visit India. One, Peter Robertson, has come to India to return an enormous ruby that an ancestor of his had looted from a nawab‘s palace during the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857.

He could have handed it over to the Indian High Commission in Aldwych. 

His friend, Tom Maxwell, is a photographer descended from an indigo-planter who, in the nineteenth century, had owned a factory near today‘s Santiniketan and whose brutality toward Indians was legendary at the time.

It was legendary because it wasn't true.  

In the course of conversation, Feluda finds that whilst Robertson genuinely likes India, Maxwell is interested only in the country‘s poverty. ‗Poverty‘, he declares, ‗is more photogenic than prosperity‘.

Only in the sense that turds are more photogenic than pictures of cake.  

In Birbhum, he almost gets into trouble with some rough youths when, without seeking anybody‘s permission, he tries to take photographs of corpses being cremated. He is saved by Feluda but when a police inspector warns him to be more respectful of Indian customs, Maxwell furiously responds: In these two days, I have seen how backward your country is. You haven‘t progressed an inch in these forty-five years. You still plough your fields with bullocks, human beings pull rickshaws in a city like Calcutta, entire families live on the pavements – you call these civilized? You may want to hide these things from the world but I am not going to play along. I shall expose the reality of independent India with my photographs.

Genuine British people actually talk like that. I recall meeting Nicholas Maugham- 14th Earl of Maughamshire. He said 'you faltu desis are chewing paan only. Why you not spitting also? Viceroy Curzon tried to teach you spitting but you budhoos not learning. I exposes it to whole world by uploading video to Youtube.'  

75 Not cowed by Maxwell‘s rant, the inspector responds: ‗Aren‘t you going to note the many areas in which our nation has progressed?‘ The list he goes on to provide is naïve, even banal. ‗We are capable of building spacecraft‘, asserts the inspector. ‗You must have noticed the profusion of consumer goods being  made in our country. Clothes, medicines, cosmetics, electronic equipment – India is producing it all. Why do you want to see only the poverty? Is there nothing deserving of criticism in your country?

Yes. There are too many darkies milling around the place. Look at Rishi Sunak! 

But Maxwell is not to be persuaded. ‗Don‘t compare the two‘, he fumes. ‗India‘s independence is a hoax. I shall prove that with my camera. You need to be ruled today exactly in the ways our forefathers ruled you fifty years ago‘.

Also, you stupid desis are not talking Bengali properly. I teaching you Shuddho Bangla Bhasha.  

On a hot night, Maxwell tells the inspector, his great-great grandfather had woken up in a sweat, discovering that his punkah-puller had fallen asleep on the job. The servant was duly kicked to death and this, says the younger Maxwell, was the right way to treat Indians.

Also, if police inspector turns up, he should be thoroughly sodomized.  

Further on in the story, Maxwell is beaten up and the ruby, which was in his keeping, is stolen – it was the inspector who turns out to have been responsible. It is also revealed that the servant killed by Maxwell‘s ancestor had been the inspector‘s own greatgrandfather. Having uncovered it all, Feluda does not, however, pursue the case. In a significant departure from the strict moral norms that Ray always maintained in his detective stories, Feluda tells the inspector: ‗I would have done the same in your situation … you are innocent‘.

So, Ray was a shithead. He didn't care if Bengalis knew this. It was only Whites he was trying to bamboozle. The only reason he didn't make blockbuster movies like RRR (2022) or Devil: The British Secret Agent (2023) was because he thought it a sin to make an entertaining film. 

Whether in Kanchanjangha or in ‗First Class Kamra‘, the debates did not turn on what free India had achieved or failed to achieve; they turned on the unconditional value of freedom. Ray‘s stance in those works remind one of what the one-time revolutionary M N Roy had written in 1950: ‗Freedom is not an instrumental value. It is not a means to something; it is an end in itself‘.

So is Slavery or taking it up the arse from all and sundry.  

By the time of Agantuk and Robertsoner Ruby, however, Ray was

dying 

trying to evolve a new rhetoric that would retain his old anti-colonialism but be more specifically rooted in the reality of independent India.

being dead may indeed be considered a new rhetoric- thinks nobody at all.  

That quest for a new rhetoric, however, led Ray to a defence of the achievements of the  Indian state in Robertsoner Ruby,

Ray's new rhetoric had to do with scolding Whitey as well as Bengalis.  

which, apart from being banal, was far from compatible with the reconsideration of patriotism, modernity and nationalism in his last film.

Sadly, Thirty years later, Brahmin ladies like Mahua & Mamta are scolding Santhal ladies.  

‘Critical Openness’ and National Improvement Ray‘s consistently anti-colonial stance never interfered with his cultural cosmopolitanism or his readiness to criticize various aspects of indigenous life and culture. He never saw much worth emulating in Indian cinema, for instance, and often declared that he had learnt much more from the work of European and American filmmakers.

Only in so far as they made boring shite.  

This was entirely in line with family tradition.

No. Nitin Bose made plenty of Bombay blockbusters.  

Upendrakishore as well as Sukumar Ray had supported the swadeshi movement but rejected the idea that Indian artists should practise a swadeshi art that eschewed European naturalism. The rules of art, they argued, were universal and particular styles did not belong exclusively to particular nations or races. Sukumar Ray declared that ‗true artists created art to satisfy their inner artistic compulsion, not to produce ―Indian art‖, ―Greek art‖, etc‘.

Films are part of the entertainment business- not the being boring & stupid business.  

Indians had every right to practise naturalistic, supposedly Western art – indeed, it was a national duty to learn from Western techniques when they were genuinely superior.

The Brits had set up an Art College in Calcutta.  E.B. Havell championed an indigenous style exemplified by Abanindranath Tagore. It was through Havell, Abanindranath & Okakura that Will Rothenstein got to know Tagore. Incidentally, he also helped Uday Shanker (elder brother of Ravi) get his start as a dancer & impressario. 

This cultural cosmopolitanism has often been misinterpreted as simple anglophilia. Ashis Nandy, for example, has declared that the Rays were ‗proud of their British connection‘ and ‗played the civilizing role demanded of them by the modern institutions introduced by the Raj into the country‘.

Nothing wrong in that.  

The cosmopolitanism of the Ray family, although capacious, was far more rooted in an Indian identity than Nandy appreciates.

Nandy was a Christian. Ray's family were Brahmo or Hindu.  

As Upendrakishore had put it, he felt a ‗legitimate and affectionate pride in all that is noble in our national 29 life and tradition‘ but he was also filled with ‗sincere regret for our shortcomings and eagerness to remove them‘. It was his self-critical and selfimproving impulse that drove Upendrakishore to ‗advocate the study of European art as a means of improving the art of my country‘.

But this was already happening. Kipling's dad was brought to Bombay by Parsi entrepreneurs.  

Satyajit Ray would not have dissented from this view and this ‗critical openness‘, as Amartya Sen has pointed out, was also characteristic of Rabindranath Tagore.

Scolding isn't criticism.  

They were opposed to the serious asymmetry of power‘ involved in colonial rule

All rule is asymmetric. So is death. Oppose death by all means.  

but were always eager to embrace useful or valuable aspects of Western culture.

Like not being dead.  

Also, Satyajit Ray recognized that individuals differed.

Women don't have penis. Sad.  

The unpleasant British characters in his stories were usually balanced by an example or two of their decent and humane compatriots. There was a Peter Robertson for most Tom Maxwells.

Both were too stupid to have ever actually existed. If you want to return a looted treasure to a foreign country, you contact their Embassy. 

This individualism could even lead Ray to portray a colonialist with some sympathy, as with the conscience-stricken figure of General James Outram in Shatranj ke Khilari.

Outram said 'Vovi'- I have vowed- (I have Oudh) just as Napier said 'Peccavi' (I have Sindh). For Premchand, or, indeed, Sunni Muslims, the Nawabs were wastrels whose lavishing of money on Najaf & Kerbala created a problem for Iraq which continues to this day.  

But despite the humanizing touches, Outram as well as Nawab Wajid Ali Shah, whose kingdom of Awadh Governor General Lord Dalhousie was intent on grabbing, both represented negative forces for Ray. In this respect, his views had not changed significantly over the years since ‗Bilamson‘ and ‗Fossil‘. Despite Wajid and Outram being portrayed with sympathy in Shatranj, neither was considered to represent a progressive tendency.

Muslims are fucking horrible. Brits are better.  

Nor were the two chess-playing noblemen who refused to get involved in the political tussle between Wajid and the Company. The only spark of patriotism was seen in the peasant boy Kalloo, who lamented that the British had been allowed to annex Awadh without a single shot being fired and who, as critic Ujjal Chakraborty has rightly pointed out, seems to hold ‗the seed of the Great Indian Mutiny inside him‘.

It was a miserable failure.  

‗I was portraying two negative forces, feudalism and colonialism‘, Ray explained when he was accused by critics of being soft on colonialism in Shatranj. ‗You had to condemn both Wajid and Dalhousie. This was the challenge. I wanted to make this condemnation interesting by bringing in certain plus points of both the sides‘.

The plus point to Wajid was his patronage of the Arts. Shatranj should have had a dynamite song & dance numbers. The genius of Birju Maharaj was wasted. Indeed, all the actors were under-utilized.  

This remark illuminates not only the characterizations in one particular film but a key feature of Ray‘s style, especially where ideological questions are involved. Ray populated his films and stories with rounded characters who were given the freedom to speak freely to the viewer or reader, but, as in Kanchanjangha or ‗First Class Kamra‘, this liberty did not undermine the overall ideological stance of the work.

No. Ray was an auteur. Nobody had any freedom. Since Ray wanted to be a boring shithead, he produced boring shite.  

Debates and conflicts abound in Ray‘s corpus but those exchanges are not left open-ended. One side is always endorsed, albeit not necessarily to the accompaniment of fanfare, and when colonialism is in question, it is invariably the anti-colonial side. And the anti-colonial side, for Ray, is usually also the anti-feudal and, later in his career, the anti-bourgeois side.

The proletariat wouldn't watch his shite.  

It is wholly inaccurate to argue, as so many commentators have done over the years, that Ray refused to ‗take sides either with characters or ideologies‘.

He was against Hindus & anything which might make India less of a shithole.  

Some sixty years after Pather Panchali, it is time for critics to reassess Ray‘s work without relying on such simplistic, inadequate and even tendentious formulations.

No. It is time to admit Ray was stupid & made shitty films. Still, he always broke even or made a profit. That's an achievement in itself.  

Wednesday, 22 April 2026

Liebniz contra Nietzche & Borges's epitaph


That the two labyrinths in which Reason goes astray
Can, by the thread of, some lone, unloved, Ariadne
Have 'fixed points' not Nietzsche can gainsay
Lawless, Love's paths spread 'Nay!' to May.

Envoi-
Peace hath a Prince! Even Brouwer's amor fati
Yields to Borges's Ulrikke's smile's libertati.


Note- Can there be non-arbitrary or 'absolute' 'fixed point theorems'? Not to our knowledge. But there can be 'non-arbitrary' fixed points in 'the spread' between 'lawless choice sequences'. It is a separate matter that there might be a Mathematical Eschaton when everything is revealed to be either lawlike or else dictated by some 'Great Anarch' for who Creation is but a simulation- a game fixed in advance- such that Random ever remain indistinguishable from pseudo-random. This is Razbarov-Rudich. It seems 'absolute proofs'- even 'naturality'- is denied us- unless, as in Borges's epitaph, he did indeed enter the 'Thorgate' & sleeps now with Ulrikke. But, here in London, as April turns to May & I grow ineluctably older & stupider, where else can I do so save between some such 'Ardhanarishvar'? 







Tuesday, 21 April 2026

The Economist on Modi vs Mughals

The Economist has a foolish issue titled 'What have the Mughals ever done for us?'

 The answer is- nothing. They lost power 300 years ago. They can't do shit for themselves, let alone anybody else. 

How India’s greatest Muslim empire built its most powerful Hindu party

The BJP was created by the RSS- an anti-British, high-caste, Hindu outfit just like the Congress party. Indeed, Dr. Hardikar- who created the Congress Seva Dal- was an old college chum of Dr. Hegdewar- who founded the RSS a few years later just in case the Seva Dal was banned. 
In speeches to  supporters, to parliament and to the nation, Narendra Modi has repeatedly invoked India’s centuries of slavery.

Because Sonia Gandhi was of Italian origin. Modi was saying that the Dynasty was foreign. Manmohan Singh was a 'prone' Minister who had no power of his own.  The Congress party was just a bunch of sycophants currying favour with the Ruling Family. 

Soon after taking power in 2014, he lamented that “the mentality of 1,200 years of slavery continues to haunt us.

Modi was speaking in Delhi. He was appealing to the indigenous tribes & communities of the region who felt alienated from successive dynasties (including Rajput rulers like Pritviraj, though Modi didn't say so). Modi was from Gujarat but had some how turned himself into a UP-wallah in Benares- where was elected to the Central Parliament- and some sort of Jat or Gujjar in Delhi & Haryana.  

'It is often a challenge for us to hold our heads high when speaking to someone of even slightly elevated stature.”

This was a dig at Manmohan- a Sikh who served a Dynasty which had slaughtered his people in Delhi some twenty years previously. Essentially, Modi was presenting himself as restoring 'subaltern' rule to the Capital City which had been dominated by elites & aristocrats who looked down on the toiling masses. Towards this end, he changed the name of 'Rajpath' (King's Way) to Kartavya path (path of Duty) four years ago. It should be mentioned, Modi is the first 'Backward Caste' Prime Minister. He couldn't afford to go to College. Yet, by merit alone, he had been Gujarat's longest serving and most successful Chief Minister. He has now completed an even longer stint as PM. There has been nothing like him in the annals of Indian politics. 

Consider his 'missed call' strategy in the 2014 election. Originally this was a voter mobilization technique. But then he pivoted and said 'take my mobile number. If you don't get your entitlement- give 'missed call'. My team will get back to you within a couple of days & solve the problem. This was more than 'approachability'. It was 'customer service'. For the first time, India had a leader who thought his job was to ensure 'last mile delivery'.  

The chief target of the grievance is the series of Muslim empires

which had yielded to a Hindu Maratha Empire 

that came before British colonialism.

Fuck that. Nehru had presided over massive ethnic cleaning of Muslims. In Delhi their population share plummeted from 33 percent to 5 percent. Muslims who had fled across the border in panic were not permitted to return. They were stripped of citizenship. Reservations or affirmative action of any kind were denied to them.  Urdu lost its status as Hindi in Devanagari script was made the official language. The BJP can't compete with Congress when it comes to killing Muslims- or Sikhs, for that matter. Thus Modi was playing up the OBC/Dalit/ST angle. That is why he has had a second Dalit President and now, for the first time ever, a lady President from the 'Tribal' Santhal community. Modi understands that 'Mandal' is more important than 'Mandir'- i.e. empowerment of 'Backward' castes & women is the name of the game. True, building the Ram Temple creates a feel good factor but what really matters is India's ongoing social revolution. The poorer OBC woman is now the decisive swing voter. That's why Modi is betting big on reserved seats for women. 

The Mughals were the longest-lasting of those.

They were big for about 200 years. The Sultanate lasted for more than 300 years.  

April 21st marks exactly 500 years since the Battle of Panipat, when Babur, a Central Asian descendant of Tamerlane and Genghis Khan (hence “Mughal”, from “Mongol”), defeated the last sultan of Delhi.

Who was of Afghan descent.  

The empire he established was, at its height, one of the world’s richest and most powerful.

India, like China, benefitted from Mexican silver but, because it was getting cut out of even Indian ocean trade, it was bound to decline.  

Its rulers adopted customs of Indian kingship, married locally and in effect became Indian

like the Sultanate & the Nizamat & so forth 

(unlike the Brits).

There were plenty of Eurasians. Joe Biden has an Indian cousin.  

Their achievements are Indian achievements.

They were Indian aristocrats. Modi isn't an aristocrat at all. Unlike the Dynasty, his ancestor hadn't served first the Mughals & then John Company. They weren't educated. They were oil pressers by profession living in small towns and villages.  

Yet the quincentenary of the empire’s founding will pass without note.

Because they vanished long long ago.  

The Mughals, Mr Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) insists, destroyed temples (which is true) and humiliated Hindus (which is contested). They took everything India had. And what, the ideology asks, did they ever give us in return?

Opportunities to get castrated to serve in the harem as eunuchs?  

Language, for one thing.

We don't speak Chagatai Turk. We do speak English. Why? The whole world speaks English.  

Mr Modi’s speech in 2014 was delivered in Hindi, India’s most spoken tongue. Of the 28 words that made up the original of his quote above, a quarter entered India via Persian,

the Mughals weren't Persian. It was the Sultanate which adopted Persian which in fact was a big lingua franca at one time.  

points out Richard Eaton, a historian of Muslim India. The language of the Mughal court infuses the vocabulary of most northern Indian languages.

Urdu, I suppose is a Turkic/Mongol word. It is the same as the English word 'horde'.  

Indeed, “Hindi” and “Hindu” both come from “Hind”, the Persian name for the river known in English as the Indus (thus “India”). But what, apart from putting the “Hindu” in “Hindu nationalism”, have the Mughals ever done for us?

Nothing. They descended into destitution long ago. Every other day, some newspaper will pick up some beggar & say they are the heir to the Peacock Throone.  

The cuisine known globally as “Indian” is in India called “Mughlai”.

It isn't what Modi eats. He has 'thali' like most Hindus.  The fact is you go to a restaurant to eat stuff you don't cook at home. 

The tandoor, a clay oven from which emerge flaky naans and charred kebabs, came from the Persianate world, as did samosas, sherbets, various desserts and biryani—India’s most-ordered dish on delivery apps for ten years straight.

So what? Pizza too is popular. As for 'Gobi Manchurian', don't get me started.  

The party-pooper wing of the BJP frowns on meat and eggs but even vegetarians enjoy a good tandoori paneer (from the Persian panir, a kind of cottage cheese that probably came via Afghans).

Actually, Indian cuisine owes more to the Portuguese & Spanish who introduced new vegetables, chilis & dishes like ras malai.  

Granted, tandoori anything is irresistible.

So are potato chips & tomato ketchup.  

But what, apart from language and food, have the Mughals ever done for us?

Does this nutter really think Babur invented Persian or the tandoor?  

Four of India’s ten most popular ticketed historical sites for local tourists, and six among foreigners, were built by Mughals.

But, relative to its size & population, Tourism isn't big business in India. The truth is the most visited places are Hindu religious sites.  

The Taj Mahal tops both lists. Every year the prime minister delivers an Independence Day speech from the Red Fort, a Mughal monument in Delhi so central to India’s self-image it features on the back of the most common banknote.

Only because the Brits didn't blow it up. But, truth be told, it's a bit shitty.  

The sitar, made famous by George Harrison,

who he?  

is a product of the Mughal era.

Babur invented sitar. Sadly he tried to turn it into a biryani by cooking it in tandoor.  

The sherwani, worn by grooms Hindu and Muslim, evolved from Mughal court dress.

It bears no resemblance to the angarkha. Seeing British soldiers kick ass convinced Indians that men should not wear colourful frocks. 

“The popular religions of medieval India, Sufism, the Urdu language, and Indo-Saracen art were the common property of the conquerors and the conquered, and tended to blend them together,” wrote Jadunath Sarkar, a revered Indian historian.

This happened during the Sultanate.  

Persian translations of Hindu epics were commissioned by Akbar, a Mughal emperor fascinated by religious practices (a trait Aurangzeb, his great-grandson and a keen demolisher of temples, did not share).

But it was a trait Dara Shikoh, Aurangazeb's elder brother, displayed to a greater degree.  

But what, apart from language, food, architecture, music, art and syncretism

all of which already existed before Babur was chased out of the Ferghana Valley 

have the Mughals ever done for us?

Mughals invented tandoori sitar biryani. If you smoke a lot of ganja, you will find it very tasty.  

They brought the BJP to power.

No. Rahul's yellow streak brought Modi to power. He should have shouldered aside Manmohan, become PM & led his party to victory in 2014.  

In 1990, when the party held just 16% of seats in parliament,

In 1985, it had 0.3 %. After Indira was assassinated, her son won by a landslide- a reward for the killing of lots of Sikhs.  

it launched a national campaign demanding a temple on the ground said to be the birthplace of Lord Ram, the protagonist of the Ramayana.

Rajiv had opened it to Hindu worship. He should have built the Ram Temple himself & probably would have done if he hadn't been killed. Sonia promised to build it in 2002 when Rahul returned to India.  

At that site stood a mosque built during the reign of Babur, the first Mughal emperor. In 1992 a mob demolished the mosque under the gaze of BJP officials, sparking a nationwide conflagration

Muslims acted up & were massacred. Minorities get stomped if they start any rough stuff. File under- sad but true.  

that forged the party’s base,

The RSS & 'Sangh parivar' had forged it long ago.  

eventually propelling it to office.

It had been part of the Janata coalition in 1977. As the other components of that alliance either imploded or became factionalized, Atal Behari Vajpayee emerged as a popular PM. But his was a coalition government & he himself more than a little senile.  

By early 2024, when Mr Modi consecrated the promised temple, his party held 56% of seats.

Thanks to Rahul's utter uselessness. But, under Kharge, Congress was able to make some good pre-poll pacts which is why the BJP no longer has a majority.  

It has spent the past decade renaming Mughal cities, rejecting Mughal cuisine, and writing Mughals out of history books.

Nobody gives a flying fuck. What matters is whether 'Backward castes' & women feel they are getting an increasing share of power. Also, cash transfers. Everybody likes money.  

It is one thing to raze an edifice of brick and mortar. It is harder to eradicate a culture that

disappeared three hundred years ago.  

has over five centuries permeated India’s blood and soil.

Fuck off! India's blood & soil cares only about money- not Mughals or Mauryas or Lord fucking Mountbatten.  

That, then, is the best answer to their question of what the Mughals have ever done for them. They gave political Hinduism its eternal, indispensable villain.

No. Akbar wasn't a fucking jihadi suicide bomber. He was too busy baking sitars in the tandoor to serve up as biryani.  

Monday, 20 April 2026

Koselleck's krap kounterkoncept

 When I was a kid, I read the Asimov 'Foundation' novels & thought it would be cool to have a 'theory of history' which would permit me to predict what would happen in the manner of Hari Seldon. Sadly, I was too stupid to get a PhD in Math & thus had to settle for some off the peg theory of an Economistic type- maybe this is the 'law of increasing functional information'. The problem is that the 'fitness landscape' features Knightian Uncertainty- i.e. is arbitrary. Thus history will always remain something which happens to us, rather than something we can shape to some grander purpose. 

Koselleck, when I was young, was considered the Prince of 'Conceptual History' but- my memory is- his work wasn't available in English & thus one heard of him only from smart people who had studied in Germany.

Wikipedia gives the following account of his first book (which was translated in 1988)

Critique and Crisis
In his dissertation and 1959 book, Koselleck argues that contemporary understandings of politics have become dangerously depoliticized by Enlightenment utopianism:

This was around the time that the SDP embraced the Bad Godesberg program. Koselleck represents the Right-Wing reaction to it just as Habermas represents the left-wing reaction to this 'Butskellite' convergence to Mixed Economy Keynesianism.  

A reaction against absolutism (the Hobbesian state), which was itself a reaction against the religious wars of the Reformation period in Europe. Koselleck closely follows Carl Schmitt's argument from The Leviathan in the State Theory of Thomas Hobbes by arguing that the absolutist state had made morality a matter of strictly private and individual judgement, disallowing moral conscience any role in political decision-making.

This could be said of 'Enlightened despots'- Fredrick & Catherine the equally great- but wasn't a feature of 'limited monarchies'. 

 This overcame religious civil war and gave rise to the early modern, centralized state, which had a clear, narrow and authoritarian conception of politics as the monopolization of legitimate violence and the guaranteeing of obedience, security and order.

But those centralised states tended to fall behind bourgeois societies.  

Consequently, within the absolutist state, the private realm grew in power,

it really didn't. In limited monarchies, power passed to the third Estate as it became the main generator of revenue.  

enabled by the degree of civil liberalism afforded by the regime toward private life.

Unless you were a serf.  

This private moral sphere was nurtured by the Enlightenment (especially, claims Koselleck, in the Republic of Letters and in "non-political" bourgeois secret societies such as the Illuminati and the Freemasons), consolidating itself around a self-conception as an emergent bourgeois "Society" during the 18th century.

But if the land was the primary source of income & wealth, the bourgeoisie would be restricted to small urban enclaves.  

"Society" constituted a countervailing power which, by upholding the legitimacy of "critique" against existing political authoritarianism, eventually challenged the state, but in an apolitical, utopian way. "In the process," writes Victor Gourevitch in his foreword to Critique and Crisis, "existing political societies came to be judged by standards which take little or no account of the constraints which political men must inevitably take into account, standards which for all political intents and purposes are therefore Utopian."

In other words, if you are poor & powerless, you indulge in day dreams of the Land of Cockaigne.  

The problem is that the moralism and utopianism of modern ideologies is purely speculative and can offer no viable alternatives to prevailing institutions and practices. Hence, Enlightenment's anti-statism creates a "permanent crisis", a relapse into a kind of ideological civil war, which had culminated in enduring political instability and particularly in the 20th-century phenomena of Soviet and Nazi totalitarianism and the ideological conflict of the Cold War.

I think Germany changed over the Fifties because everybody could see that 'Sovietization' had failed miserably in the East. Thus the shibboleth of 'collective ownership of the means of production' was given up. 

Koselleck argues that politics is better understood from the point of view of public servants, politicians, and statesmen who are embedded within political institutions and immanently aware of their constraints and limitations, rather than from the supposedly disinterested perspective of philosophers and other social critics.

This may have been true of Germany. It wasn't true of Anglo-Saxon countries where the statesman might have started off as a merchant or manufacturer.  

 His aim is to re-politicize contemporary discussions of politics and infuse them with a sense that conflict is an inevitable part of public life and an unavoidable factor in all political decision making, an argument reminiscent of Carl Schmitt, Koselleck's most important mentor

In other words, he was rebelling against the post-war 'convergence hypothesis' such that a technocratic 'mixed economy' became the rule. 

Koselleck's portrayal of the Enlightenment public sphere in Critique and Crisis has often been criticized as reactionary and anti-modernist.[11] His emphasis on the "secrecy" and "hypocrisy" of the 18th-century German Enlightenment, and his preoccupation with Enlightenment as a source of conflict and crisis, has been read as an overly pessimistic account of the origins of modern world-views. It sits in stark contrast to the work of Jürgen Habermas, whose account of the 18th century Enlightenment holds it up as a model of democratic and deliberative politics.[12] Moreover, his claim in the introduction of Critique and Crisis that the 20th century was gripped by a catastrophic "world crisis," has been criticized as being guilty of the same sort of secular eschatology he warns against within the text itself. In fact, for Koselleck modern philosophies were a form of a secularized version of eschatology: that is, theological prophecies of future salvation, an interpretation he adopted from Karl Löwith, his teacher at Heidelberg University.[13] Others insist that the accusations against Koselleck of reactionary pessimism are overstated, and that he is rather attempting to engender a more reflexive and realistic use of political and social concepts.[14]

The question is whether such concepts actually exist in any useful manner. No doubt, they may be useful for teaching history, but history isn't its own pedagogy. It is a data set which can help us test our 'Structural Causal Models'.

In his book 'Futures Past' Koselleck writes-  

HE HISTORICAL-POLITICAL SEMANTICS OF ASYMMETRIC COUNTERCONCEPTS Pugnant ergo inter se mali et mali; item pugnant inter se mali et boni; boni vero et boni, si perfecti sunt, inter se pugnare non possunt. —Augustine, De Civ. Dei XV, 5

This means 'Thus the wicked fight among themselves; likewise the wicked and the good fight among themselves; but the good and the good, if they are perfect, cannot fight among themselves.' 

Sadly, this isn't true. Some people fight. Others don't. One might say 'the perfect don't fight' but they might do if that is what is required. Two perfectly good people may have different theories of a useful sort. They may fight each other with relevant empirical evidence. 

Names for oneself and for others belong to the everyday life of men and women.

I was once taught Statistics by a Professor Thambi (which means younger brother). I asked him what his actual name was. He didn't know. His elder brother, who had raised him from the age of 5, thought it might be either Sadasivaramamurthy or Venkatanarasimharajuvaripeta. He had sent his Bengali peon with the boy to get him admitted to School. Sadly, he had neglected to tell him the boy's name. So the peon gave his name as 'Thambi' and it stuck. 

They articulate the identity of a person and of that person’s relation to others.

No. They are merely names. Robertson isn't the son of a guy named Robert.  

In this process there might be agreement on the use of such expressions, or each might use for his opposite a term different from that employed by the latter.

In some societies one's name is a secret. You have a pet name & a social name but, to reduce the possibility of hostile magic, the actual name is only known to the Family Priest.  

It makes a difference whether mutually recognized names are spoken (e.g., Hans and Liese), or whether these are replaced by abusive nicknames.

Not really. Saying 'Hans is a swine' is just as bad as referring to him as a fucking pig.  

So, for instance, among relatives there is a difference between the use of “mother” and “son,” and “old bag” and “layabout.”

Not if it is said affectionately.  

In the same way, it makes a difference if certain functions are defined as “employer” and “employee” or as “exploiter” and “human material.” In the one case, one’s names for oneself and names others call one coincide, whereas, in the other, they diverge.

Not really. What is said matters less than what is meant.  

...The effectiveness of mutual classifications is historically intensified as soon as they are applied to groups.

Not necessarily. Both 'Whig' & 'Tory' were originally insults. Then they were embraced by those so designated. 'Yid' is a pejorative term for Jews unless it is used by supporters of Tottenham Football Club for whom it is a rallying cry. 

The simple use of “we” and “you” establishes a boundary

No. Prof Thambi would often say 'today we are going to learn about heteroscedasticity'. Nobody thought he didn't know all about it already. 

and is in this respect a condition of possibility determining a capacity to act. But a “we” group can become a politically effective and active unity only through concepts which are more than just simple names or typifications.

Nonsense! Nobody knows how or why Tottenham supporters decided to refer to themselves as 'Yids'. We guess that it was a slur used against them at football matches & they took it up as a matter of pride.  

A political or social agency is first constituted through concepts by means of which it circumscribes itself and hence excludes others, and therefore, by means of which it defines itself.

Nonsense! A Tory, like Rishi Sunak, is not an Irish Catholic rebel nor is Ken Binmore, who describes himself as a Whig, a Scottish Presbyterian who thinks it great fun to smash up Catholic chapels.  

A group may empirically develop on the basis of command or consent, of contract or propaganda, of necessity or kinship, and so forth; but however constituted, concepts are needed within which the group can recognize and define itself,

They are wholly unnecessary. True, if there is a market for the thing, some Professor or Journalist may invent a more or less bogus 'concept' for some collective which pre-exists.  

if it wishes to present itself as a functioning agency.

You can have a concept & yet achieve nothing- i.e. fulfil no function (e.g. the Institute of Socioproctology) while there are plenty of functioning agencies whose 'concept' is not specified.  (like the Institute of Chartered Accountants. Clearly, it is different from the Institute of Certified Accountancy, but there is no functional difference between a Certified & Chartered Accountant. 

In the sense used here, a concept does not merely denote such an agency, it marks and creates the unity.

Because it has magical properties. Did you know that if you have the concept of Beyonce, you can turn into a beautiful superstar?  

The concept is not merely a sign for, but also a factor in, political or social groupings.

Concepts are like opinions- every asshole can have plenty of both.  

There are innumerable concepts of this kind which, while being concretely applied, have a general utility.

Some concepts are useful- up to a point. But they don't actually exist nor do they 'constitute' anything. Also if you are fucking the concept of Supermodel, you are merely a wanker.  

An acting agency

is like a modelling agency. Mine promised to get me the lead in 'Pretty Woman'. Sadly, the producer thought I looked to Jewy & so Julia Roberts got the part.  

might, therefore, define itself as a polis, people, party, Stand, society, church, or state without preventing those excluded from the agency from conceiving of themselves in turn as a polis, people, and so on.

The Institute of Socioproctology may define itself as a place for real bright people. Sadly, those who refuse to join (including me) because they can't afford the twenty pence membership fee, are welcome to conceive themselves as supersmart gigolos who spend their time sexually servicing Super-models (female ones).  

Such general and concrete concepts can be used on an equal basis and can be founded upon mutuality.

This is also true of masturbation. Who is to say Supermodels aren't fisting themselves thinking of me?  

They are transferable. It is certainly true, however, that historical agencies tend to establish their singularity by means of general concepts, claiming them as their own.

No. They establish their singularity by own property & paying wages & receiving revenue.  

For a Catholic, “the Church” might mean only the one he attends; similarly, there is only “the Party” for a Communist, and “the Nation” for the French Revolutionary.

Nonsense! The educated Catholic knows that there are some quite historically distinct churches which are in full communion with Rome. Some such have married priests. Most ruling Communist parties contain historically different smaller parties- e.g. China Zhi Gong party. The French Revolutionaries generally considered Corsica to be part of the Nation but not all agreed re. the French speaking parts of Belgium. 

The use of the definite article here serves the purpose of political and social singularization.

When you say 'I've got to go the office'- people understanding you are going to work. Your wife may reply 'me too. See you tonight.' This doesn't mean you work at the same place as your wife.  

In such cases, a given group makes an exclusive claim to generality, applying a linguistically universal concept to itself alone and rejecting all comparison.

Nonsense! Saying 'I'm going to the office' doesn't mean there is only one office where everybody works.  

This kind of self-definition provokes counterconcepts which discriminate against those who have been defined as the “other.”

It may do. It may not. Protestant Churches, in Europe, protested against Catholicism. But some currently Protestant Churches- e.g. Mar Thoma or Byzantine Rite Lutheran- don't consider themselves to have reacted to Catholicism. 

The nonCatholic becomes heathen or traitor;

No. Some non-Catholic Churches were and are in full communion with Rome.  

to leave the Communist party does not mean to change party allegiance, but is rather “like leaving life, leaving mankind” (J. Kuczynski);

in some places, not others.  

not to mention the negative terms that European nations have used for each other in times of conflict and that were transferred from one nation to another according to the changing balance of power.

Sticks and stones may break our bones. Names can't hurt us.  

Thus there are a great number of concepts recorded which function to deny the reciprocity of mutual recognition.

None fulfil any such function. Saying 'la, la, la, I can't hear you' does not mean that you have turned into a ghost.  

From the concept of the one party follows the definition of the alien other,

No. The alien other needs to be further defined- e.g. class enemy, right deviationist, left adventurist, etc.  

which definition can appear to the latter as a linguistic deprivation, in actuality verging on theft.

When people call you a cunt, they deprive you of your penis- thinks nobody at all.  

This involves asymmetrically opposed concepts.

No. There are 'uncorrelated asymmetries' such that my wife isn't your wife even if I refer to her as 'the wife'.  

The opposite is not equally antithetical.

It may be.  

The linguistic usage of politics, like that of everyday life, is permanently based on this fundamental figure of asymmetric opposition.

So what? Words don't matter greatly- unless they are witty or alethic or informative in some manner. 

This will be examined in the course of the following discussion. There is one qualification, however: we will deal here only with pairs of concepts that are characterized by their claim to cover the whole of humanity.

There are none such.  

Thus we are dealing with binary concepts with claims to universality. The totality of humanity can, of course, also be comprehended without remainder by classificatory couples involving a mutual recognition of the parties involved (for instance, men and women,

some people may be difficult to classify on this basis 

parents and children,

paternity tests are a thing.  

juveniles and adults,

a movable feast. Sometimes kids are tried as adults.  

the sick and the healthy).

a matter for Medical Science & the Social Security system. Is so-and-so too sick to work? What level of Disability Allowance are they eligible for?  

These terms comprehend humanity as a whole by introducing their natural structure.

They don't comprehend shit. Still, they may be useful. Most people are clearly distinguishable as either men or women. Only a few abide our question.  

Notwithstanding the susceptibility to political accentuation and explosiveness,

or being as boring as fuck 

which all these terms once had or will have, it is not possible to directly transfer such naturalistic expressions into political language.

Nonsense! Every politician does so all the time.  

The historical world, by contrast, operates for the most part with asymmetrical concepts that are unequally antithetical. Three will be examined: the contrast of Hellene and Barbarian,

a movable feast. Athenians often referred to Epirotes, Eleans, Boeotians, and Aeolic-speakers as barbarians. 

Christian and Heathen,

Never very clear cut. There were many precedents for the 'Chinese Rites' controversy.  

and finally, the contrast that emerges within the conceptual field of humanity between human and nonhuman, superhuman and subhuman.

We used to think the Neanderthals were nonhuman. Now, we realize we carry some of their genes. Maybe homo erectus was a language user & tool maker.  

Before we begin to more closely analyze these counterconcepts

Fuck analysis. Look around to find empirical evidence that the concept or counter-concept is defective.  

and the various ways in which their negation is expressed, it is desirable to make three additional methodological points which will enable us to more exactly specify our problematic. The first concerns the relation between concept and history;

They may be useful to summarize material or to go looking for particular types of evidence 

the second, the historical aspect;

how is this different from the first 

and the third, the structural aspect of counterconcepts.

There is no structural aspect unless there is a Structural Causal Model. But, if such a thing exists, we leave aside concepts & look for empirical verification or 'falsifiability'.  

1. Historical movement always takes place within zones mutually delimited by functioning agents,

No. Everything has a history even in the absence of 'agents' of any kind.  

and it is in terms of these zones that the agents simultaneously effect their conceptual articulation.

No. People can talk about Heaven or Hell or what life might be like on a distant planet in a Galaxy far far away.  

But neither social nor political history is ever identical with its conceptual self-expression.

One could equally say 'all social & political history is nothing but conceptual self-expression'. 

History can be written only if the correspondence between material that was once comprehended conceptually and the actual material (methodologically derived from the first) is made the subject of investigation.

Nonsense! History can be written by the court poet and be based wholly on mythology on the one hand & the propaganda of the dynasty on the other.  

This correspondence is infinitely variable and must not be mistaken as an identity; otherwise, every source that was conceptually unambiguous would already be the history that was sought within it.

Annals are annals. Historians may belong to the 'Annales' school.  

In general, language and socoipolitical content coincide in a manner different from that available or comprehensible to the speaking agents themselves.

Later ideas may have had only a very rudimentary expression in earlier ages. This doesn't greatly matter. Look at what people actually do, not what theory they have, and you have a data set which you can use to verify a sophisticated SCM reliant upon a type of analysis which has only recently become possible.  

It is a quality of political language that its concepts, while being related to agencies (institutions, groups, and so forth) and their movement, are not assimilated by them.

They may be. They may not. My own belief, regarding early India is that some sort of discrete math simulation technique was in widespread use. We don't know the details of that 'Sankhya' but can make some educated guesses. It may be that some actual Sutra of this sort may be found but it is quite likely that Sutra literature was produced independently by specialists and that 'the tricks of the trade' were a Guild or family secret.  

In the same way, history is not the sum of all articulated namings and characterizations in political language, nor of political dialogue and discussion.

It has lower Kolmogorov complexity than what it studies- unless it is 'the history of concepts' in which case it is verbose confabulation of a foolish, paranoid or magical type.  

Similarly, history is not assimilated by the concepts through which it is comprehended.

Yes it is. Concepts like 'Stone Age' or 'Iron Age' are useful.  

What is at stake here is the avoidance of a short circuit between conceptual language and political history.

In other words, nothing at all is at stake here.  

This difference  between history and its “conceptualization” will be charted with the methods of historicopolitical semantics.

Pseudo-intellectual garbage.  

2. Especial care is called for in investigating what are not simply individual concepts but pairs of concepts whose world-historical effectiveness cannot be doubted.

No. Exceptional care is called for in brain surgery. What is needful for historians is a great tolerance for mind-numbing boredom.  

One can certainly assume that rigorous dualisms— above all, those which divide all of humanity into two groups with opposing modalities—were politically efficacious and will always be so.

This is why neither England nor Germany gave women the vote.  

On the other hand, the historical record does show that all these global dualisms formerly in use were overtaken by historical experience and to this extent refuted. The suggestively autonomous force of political counterconcepts should not tempt one to regard relations of reciprocity implicit within such couples (and often created by them) as if they continued ever onward in the form of this once-established dualism.

Look a little closer & they never existed. Before the Great War, there were some Society women in England who had more power over the India Office- or, indeed, the War office- than Parliament would have in the inter-war years. That's why Kitchener spent a lot of time writing to titled ladies.  

Past antitheses have tended to be too crude to serve as categories of historical knowledge.

Some have. Some haven't.  

Above all, no historical movement can be adequately evaluated in terms of the self-same counterconcepts used by the participants of such a movement as a means of experiencing or comprehending it.

Because nothing can be adequately evaluated by any means whatsoever unless it really doesn't matter at all.  

Ultimately, that would mean the perpetuation of a victor’s history by his seeking to make permanent a temporary dominance through the negation of the defeated.

There speaks the twice defeated German! Sadly, those sausage eaters had to suck it up & admit to themselves that guys whose uniforms sported  a skull-and-crossbones badge (as had the Kaiser's life-guards & Hitler's SS) were likely to be the bad guys. 

Concepts employable in a particularly antithetical manner have a marked tendency to reshape the various relations and distinctions among groups, to some degree violating those concerned, and in proportion to this violation rendering them capable of political action.

Unless you kill all of them.  

The recognition of such a dynamic requires that former linguistic usage must itself be placed in question.

Fuck that! Just say you did evil shit & have learned the error of your ways.  

A distinction will therefore be made here between past historical usage of antithetical concepts and the semantic structures they are invested with. 

Sadly, there are no 'semantic structures'. There is syntax for particular purposes but there is no 'i-language'. Everything is extensional.  

The following reflections will not be concerned with historical process or the emergence and articulation of dualistic counterconcepts,

in other words, the following reflections will be completely useless 

their change, and the history of their likely effects. It is obvious that historical investigation cannot dispense with the posing and consideration of such questions.

Sure it can. Just focus on the economy- i.e. what people do- not shite people say 

The methodological intention of the following is, however, on a different level: the structure of argument within once historically extant, dualistic, linguistic figures will be examined for the way in which the given counterpositions were negated.

By killing lots & lots of people. If this failed, there was no fucking negation.  

It must be admitted that the structural aspect implies the historical, and vice versa.

No. A structure may have no dynamics or be wholly ergodic. There is no hysteresis or path dependence. Thus the history of the thing is empty.  

In this way, the sources can be read in two ways at once: as the historical utterance of agencies, and as the linguistic articulation of specific semantic structures.

Only if 'language speaks us'. Did you know that there is a language used in the depths of the Amazon forest which has no word for gender? Everybody in that society has both a dick & a vagina. They live peacefully with each other though, sadly, they fuck themselves to death soon after attaining puberty.  

It is characteristic of counterconcepts that are unequally antithetical that one’s own position is readily defined by criteria which make it possible for the resulting counterposition to be only negated.

Since anything at all can not only be negated but also told to fuck the fuck off, this is a wholly trivial 'characteristic'. 

This is what makes up the counterconcepts’ political efficacy but at the same time renders them unsuitable for scientific knowledge

Telling stupid lies may have some political efficacy but only if people want to be ruled by stupid liars.  

In Kant’s words, “. . . dividing things in half leads to the placing together of heterogeneous objects and not at all to a specific concept.”

Dividing doesn't 'place together'. The specific concept created by dividing is called 'division'.  

The recognition of historical bisections in their linguistically asymmetric forms requires the examination of common and distinguishable structures.

No. The structure may not be distinguishable or held in common. What matters is whether there are specific predicates only applicable to one side.  

Once they had emerged historically, the conceptual pairs Hellene-Barbarian,

melted away as Alexander created an Empire based on homonoia.  

Christian-Heathen,

melted away when missionary activity reached a level of sophistication such that entire nations could be converted within the space of a single generation.  

Human-Nonhuman

which began to erode before Charles Darwin was born 

indicated particular modes of experience and expectational possibilities whose given arrangement could turn up under different labels and in different historical situations.

but which didn't matter greatly.  

Each of the antitheses to be examined here has its own structures,

No. It has a different set of predicates. The structure remains an object of investigation through the building and testing of 'models'.  

but it also has structures in common with the others.

Structures matter if you are a structural engineer or a mathematician of the school of Bourbaki. We get that people who teach soft subjects may want to sound smart. But they aren't smart at all. 

... The vast quantity of material that is structured and stylized by counterconcepts cannot be exposed here.

Because there is no such material.  

Instead, the semantic structure of a few politically employed and asymmetrically applicable counterconcepts will be outlined in the course of their emergence. This will make clear how the structure of the first pair, Hellene and Barbarian, continuously reappears;

It really doesn't. Anyway, Alexander killed the thing off long long ago. Lots of different races became Hellenized. Second Maccabees was written in Koine Greek. 

that particular features of the second pair, Christian and Heathen, were contained in the first;

Nonsense! Christianity descends from Judaism- admittedly a Hellenized form of it.  

and finally the counterconcepts that emerge in the semantic field of Humanity in general contain both Greek and Christian elements without, however, being reducible to them.

Fuck off! The Chinese & Indians & Mayans had it long before they came to know of Greeks or Jews or Christians.  

The accumulation of temporalities finally makes it possible for the structure of all these counterconcepts to appear together.

in the work of a shithead teaching a soft subject to cretins.  

... Very roughly, the three pairs can be distinguished in the following way: in the case of the Hellene and the Barbarian, we have, in the first place, mutually exclusive concepts,

No. Homer refers to the Carians as barbarians but not the Trojans who clearly had no difficulty communicating with their Luwian speaking allies. Lydia was 'barbarian' (e.g. Croesus) in one sense- that of considering it a shame to be seen naked- but in one sense but not so in terms of culture & sophistication. 

the groups to which they refer (also in the realm of reality) being spatially separable.

Not for Herodotus who was born in close proximity to the Lydians with whom he was thoroughly familiar.  

The alien other is negatively marked off

unless he is rich & technologically advanced in which case he is a descendant of Hercules or Poseidon or whatever. Once Greek paideia spread outward, you could have people like Lucian- a Syrian- who excelled in writing in Greek.  

but (and this represented a historical achievement) also recognized as being so. The concepts impute naturalistic constants to the relevant groups, and these constants do not appear to be freely disposable.

They weren't particularly important. It was obvious that some people who originally spoke other languages had become Greek speakers. The opposite too was happening.  

This quickly changes, however. The territorialization of the concepts is followed by their spiritualization,

Neither occurred. There was deterritorialization because of greater mobility- trade, colonization, and folk-wanderings (e.g. the Celtic Galatians who, by the first century BC, were Greek speaking & called 1st century BC, the Celts had become so Hellenized that some Greek writers called them Hellenogalatai). Spiritualization waxed and waned as different cults succeeded each other. 

and this was to be continually and variously repeated in the succeeding history.

Not really. We are merely speaking of periodic attempts to correct linguistic drift & preserve mutual comprehensibility. Something similar happened in India with 'Sanskrit' serving to standardize 'Prakrits'.  

Second, the counterconcepts are related. What the Greeks only suggest becomes central for the Christian-Heathen.

Christianity took over the Jewish notion of 'goyim'- other nations but mass conversion undermined this in both religions.  

The relation of reciprocity is subject to a temporal loading, which determines a future displacement that can go as far as abolishing the Other.

Abolish Death if you are so smart. That's the Other we fear.  

The temporalization of the counterconcepts

occurs because living people age & die. It doesn't lead to anything- unless there is an after-life.  

leads to a shift in the relation of experiential space and the horizon of expectation.

I expect to go to Heaven where I will marry Beyonce & be re-united with Woofy the dog which was sent away to live on a farm when I was ten years old.  

From this arises a dynamic which negates the existing Other, a dynamic hardly known to non-Christian Antiquity.

Hitler's dynamic didn't negate shit. German pedagogues were late in getting the memo.  

Third, the invocation of humanity involves a claim to generality which is so total that no human being appears to be excluded.

Or included. What is done for the good of Humanity tends to be a nuisance from the perspective of any particular human being.  

If counterconcepts that intend to annihilate the Other emerge nevertheless,

like my farts 

they can be characterized by an ideological fungibility which, by definition, departs from earlier concepts.

My farts are the prolegemena to any future metaphysics. Harvard should give me tenure. 

The capacity for differentiating the inner and the outer, which is a property of the first conceptual couple, appears to vanish within the horizon of a unitary mankind.

Anybody can learn Greek or appreciate my farts.  

This capacity does, however, creep into the new formation and leads to consequences that we live with today.

Germans were living with the consequences of having done stupid shit. Yanks were living with the opposite.  

Hellenes and Barbarians “Barbarian” has until the present generally been usable in a neutral scientific language,

maybe in Hitler's Germany. Not elsewhere.  

as well as in a more charged political language. On the other hand, the expression “Hellene,” which had originally defined “Barbarian” negatively, survives only as a historical or specific name for a people.

One is welcome to be a Philhellenist- unless, like me, your philology is flatulence. 

The classical conceptual couple thus belongs to history, though it displays model-like features which recur throughout the course of history.

We will soon see that this was never the case.  

The words existed as independent terms before being arranged as polarities. All non-Greeks were treated as Barbarians

none were. Barbarian just meant a guy who didn't speak Greek or spoke it badly.  

before the Greeks collectively dubbed themselves Hellenes.

 It is believed this happened in the Seventh Century BC at the time of the formation of the Amphictyonic league. Homer spoke of Hellenes as belonging to a small tribe in Thessaly. 

From the sixth to the fourth centuries b.c. the conceptual couple of Hellene and Barbarian became a universal figure of speech which included all of humanity through assignation to one of two spatially separated groups.

You might call someone you didn't like a barbarian. But that continues to be the case. This simply didn't matter very much. Lots of Greeks ended up taking service under a non-Greek King. After about 212 AD, Greeks referred to themselves as Romans. This is why 'Rumi' in Arabic/Persian means Greek speaker of Anatolia while 'Frank' meant Italian, French etc.  

This figure was asymmetrical. Contempt for aliens, stammerers, and the incoherent was expressed by a series of negative epithets degrading the whole of humanity beyond Hellas.

The Greeks weren't Nazi shitheads. Germans were. Koselleck was in the Hitler Youth before volunteering to serve in the Army. 

The Barbarians not only were formally non-Greek, or aliens, but also, as aliens, were defined negatively.

Unless they weren't because they were rich or fighting the common enemy- the Persians.  

They were cowardly, unskillful, gluttonous, brutish, and so on.

Unless, they were handsome, brave, noble etc- e.g. Memnon in the Iliad. He was a darkie from Ethiopia.  

For every definition there was empirical evidence: contact with overseas traders, the mass of foreign slaves, devastation of the homeland by invading Persians, and similar experiences could easily be generalized without seeming to need revision. The Greek intelligentsia was certainly clear-sighted enough to notice deviations from this pattern. For example, Herodotus came to realize the relativity of the concept “Barbarian,”

he was a great 'lover of barbarians'. He depicts the 'freedom loving Persians' as being the first peoples to rationally discuss the sort of government they should give themselves 'after the slaughter of the Magi'. Koselleck is wrong to paint the Greeks as proto-Nazis.  

and Plato criticized the lack of equilibrium in the conceptual couple arising from the divergence of typification and the criterion of division.

He said the thing was absurd. Egypt was a land of many wonders. Much could be learned from it.  

The name of one people—the Hellenes— became the counterconcept for all the rest, who were assembled under a collective name which was simply the negative of Hellene.

This simply isn't true. Before the establishment of the polis, there was a sort of super-tribal league which eroded older clannish antipathies and paved the way for collective action of a type beneficial to the oikumene. But stuff like this was happening in other Iron Age cultures.  

Asymmetry was thus semantically based on this conscious contrast of a specific name with a generic classification. It was certainly possible for the Greeks to. point to features that they had in common and which the aliens lacked: the creation of the polis as a civil constitution opposed to oriental monarchy,

Nonsense! This cretin must have heard of Persepolis or Krokodopolis. If he had read Aristotle, he'd know Carthage was considered a polis. There were plenty of non-Greek city states- e.g. Larissa in Lydia.  

their physical and intellectual education, their language and art, their oracles and cult festivals—these united the Hellenic peoples but also excluded the Barbarians.

unless, like Alexander, they pointed out that their ancestor was Hercules or some such hero and thus they were entitled to participate in the Olympics or other Panhellenic games. 

Thus there was evidence that appeared to confirm the positive image of the Hellenes as mild, educated, free citizens.

Unless they had been enslaved by other Hellenes or barbarians.  

The “barbaric” fashion in which Hellenes actually treated themselves and where their self-image was correct, where it was not, and where it was wishful thinking, was described soberly and sympathetically by Jacob Burckhardt.

Then why rehash the whole matter. The fact is the Greeks weren't Nazi cunts though, no doubt, they had some chauvinistic writers.  

Aside from the relevance or irrelevance of this dualistic evaluation the conceptual couple assumed a semantic structure

translators look for such things. We don't need any such thing when hearing our own mother tongue.  

which made political experience and expectation possible

you don't need to know the language to have this. An Indian who visited Germany in 1938 didn't need to be told that evil shit was going down.  

while at the same time restricting it.

Creative use of language doesn't restrict 'semantic structure'. It expands it. Grammar Nazis can always be told to fuck the fuck off. 

This is apparent in the arguments that were used to justify the differentiation of the two concepts. Plato, with typical seriousness, but certainly with an intention to provoke, reduced the contrast to one of nature. Physei, the Hellenes, are a distinct species that degenerates with increasing intermingling with Barbarians.

Lots of Greeks had gone over to the Persian side.  

From this naturalistic definition he draws the political conclusion that any dispute among Greeks is an argument among brothers (stasis), a civil war, and therefore pathological.

Let's be friends with Sparta. 

A war with Barbarians—polemòs—on the other hand, is justified by nature.

Sadly, some of your smartest generals- like Themistocles who is mentioned in the Gorgias- may end up serving the Persians because they appreciate merit & don't listen to Spartan intriguers.  

Conflicts among Greeks should be conducted in a mild manner and with minimal force, while wars against Barbarians should aim at annihilation.

Both Plato & Aristotle were wrong as Alexander would show.  

This asymmetrical dualism, then, contributes to the creation of a political interior which is shielded from the entirety of the outside world.

But it had no such effect! 

This maxim was given greater edge when Aristotle designated the Barbarians as natural slaves and described the Greeks by contrast as optimally combining strength and intelligence and who, if they were to form a single politeia, would be able to rule over all Barbarians.

The fucker was wrong. Deal with it.  

In support of his view that the Barbarians are natural servants, he cited Euripedes’ verse, according to which the Greeks are destined to rule over the Barbarians, and not vice versa.

The guy was a pedagogue. He was paid to get his students to quote Euripedes rather than just fart in a sullen manner.  

This verse could be taken in many ways: as challenging Alexander to subjugate the Persians, but also as being of use internally.

To get paid a little money.  

Aristotle used the separation of interior and exterior, which had initially characterized the spatial contrast of Hellenes and Barbarians, to give added support to the Interior structure of rule.

There was no such rule. The polis was a fucking shit show- unless it was a Rome.  

The counterconcepts also serve to illuminate a differentiation of domination from top to bottom. Barbarians reduced to their animallike natural properties were suited within a polis to the work of Perioecians, or slaves.

Hitler's dynamite idea was to bring in slave labour to till the fields while German men were sent off to die on the Eastern Front. But slave labour is inefficient & likely to sabotage the submarines or tanks it works on.  

The fact of the matter is that as a culture turns into a civilization, Economics, properly so called, displaces paranoid ranting. Germany, in the inter-war period, went in the reverse direction believing as Thomas Mann had said, during the Great War, that maybe German culture was better than 'Western Civilization'. But, Mann was wrong. Culture thinks Economics doesn't matter. Then it shits the bed. That's not economic at all. Keep doing so & you won't have a bed or a house for that matter. You will simply be a pig wallowing in your own shit. Such would have been the fate of the German pedagogue if the Allies hadn't occupied and partitioned Germany.