Saturday, 25 April 2026

Dr. Munusamy on Indian Federalism

People who think India is a 'Federation' should also believe that there was no British Empire. There was a federation between India & Britain. Queen Victoria's real name was Vasantha Maharani. 

The Supreme Court asserts its absolute right to 'do complete justice' under Article 142. Sadly, it has to rely on the Centre to enforce its judgments. In other words, even if it supports Federalism, it can only make that support meaningful to the extent that the Union is willing to play along. 

 Dr. Kiruba Munusamy- a Supreme Court advocate & legal scholar- has a good article on the LSE blog which, in a spirit of pure farce, speaks of 

The Dynamics of Federalism in the Constitution of India

The Brits had wanted India to be Federal. The Indians decided to have a unitary state though they had to work with what existed and only gradually change the borders of existing administrative entities. There is no 'Federalism' in the Indian Constitution. What doesn't exist can't have a dynamics. True, I could say 'India was created for the purpose of cat worship. The Constitution of India can be viewed as displaying the dynamics of the realisation of cat-worship on a wider & vaster scale.' But telling a stupid lie doesn't make it true even if many Indians think cat-worship is what Dr. Ambedkar dedicated his life to.  

The authors of India’s Constitution were clear that it was important to have a ‘strong, united Centre’;

& that India should not be federal- i.e. dual sovereignty was off the table.  

yet, federalism is a core part of the dynamic relationship between the Union and States.

Only in the sense that cat-worship is. Did you know that when Mamta sends Modi mangoes, what she is really doing is demanding that a big temple be built for her pussy? 

The enduring question of the autonomy of States in India reasserted itself recently with Tamil Nadu resolutely reclaiming its federal rights amid an increasingly centralising Union.

It has no 'federal rights'. It did have a right to approach the Bench, under Article 32,  to remedy what it considered an injustice. But everybody has such a right.  

It is true that the lawyers for TN urged that the 'basic structure' was federal, but that was not the ratio of the judgment. It was simply the notion that the President (& by extension the Governor) is a ceremonial head. Where assent is withheld there is no 'political thicket' (doctrine of political question) & the matter is justiciable- i.e. the Bench will decide. 

It should be said that Bommai (1994) makes Federalism, as conceived by the British 1935 Act was part of the 'basic structure' of the constitution. However, what the Court meant by Federalism was what had obtained at that time- viz. no Federalism whatsoever. The Viceroy could dismiss any Ministry he didn't like. Interestingly, the Bench relied on Bommai to uphold the Centre's actions in J&K. Essentially, the Centre can do what it likes if it says there is a constitutional direction of the Central government which is being disregarded by the state government.

In a landmark judgment delivered in April 2025 in State of Tamil Nadu vs Governor of Tamil Nadu (2025), the Supreme Court of India ruled in favour of Tamil Nadu in a petition filed against the Governor of the State, who had indefinitely withheld assent to several bills passed by the State Legislative Assembly.

It may be that a future Bench will say that the 'basic structure' is Federal. But then there is dual sovereignty which has previously been denied by the judiciary. But this would require a constitutional bench & then a bigger constitutional bench & so forth.  

Besides reiterating the authority of States to legislate on matters assigned to them under the Constitution of India, as well as the obligations of the Governor therein, the Court also stipulated a reasonable time frame for the President of India and Governors of States to act in accordance with their mandates as outlined in the Constitution.

The judgment refers to the tussle between President Prasad & Prime Minister Nehru over the Hindu Code Bill. The Attorney General advised that the President was like the British monarch & was obliged to accept what had been passed by parliament.  

In an exceptionally rare move, the President of India subsequently referred the matter to the Supreme Court (per Article 143), seeking advice on whether such time stipulations could be imposed on the President and Governors in the exercise of their Constitutional functions relating to assent to bills.

In other words, the President was asserting that the Bench had not already settled the question. 

While acts like the Governor withholding assent and the Presidential reference are criticised as attempts to bypass Constitutional precepts, there is another question: how does the Constitution of India safeguard State autonomy within its federal structure?

There is no autonomy & no federal structure. What exist are States & Union Territories which have legislatures (unless they are under President's Rule) and which have specific legal rights & obligations. 

Article 1 of the Constitution delineates India as a ‘Union of States’, comprising regions that have been organised into States and as Union Territories. While the States have their own elected governments with legislative and administrative powers,

they may do. They may not.  

the Union Territories are directly administered by the Central Government. Certain Union Territories like Delhi and Puducherry have been granted legislatures for historical and administrative reasons. Under Article 245 of the Constitution, the Central Government (through the Parliament) may make laws for the whole or any part of the territory of India, whereas the State through its Legislative Assemblies may make laws for the whole or any part of the State. In contrast, the powers of the legislatures in the Union Territories are limited. The governance of these regions is thus divided between the Union, State and Concurrent Lists under the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution.

No. Governance is unitary. Specific revenue raising & spending are apportioned to different entities.  

In this framework, the Central Government is empowered to decide and legislate on subjects of national importance such as defence, foreign affairs, citizenship, inter-state trade and commerce, and other matters that require uniformity among the States.

No. It can do what it likes. It holds all residuary control rights. Its actions are not subject to any test- e.g. whether it is for the purpose of promoting uniformity. It is true, that anybody at all can approach the Bench & the Bench may be foolish enough to make a judgment which the Executive refuses to implement. At that point, the Bench has to capitulate or else be wholly disintermediated. It is important to remember that even if the Bench blocks a particular way of getting a thing done, there are myriad other methods to achieve the same object.  

Conversely, State Governments are vested with autonomy to self-govern and exercise control over subjects of local and regional significance specified in the State List such as police, public health, agriculture, public services, local government, etc allowing for the administration appropriate to the region.

There are 'Autonomous District Councils' in the North East but there is no real autonomy. The Brits had envisaged Provincial Autonomy as the first step to the creation of a Federation. India rejected both provincial autonomy & a federal structure.  Still, secessionists may want to pretend such was not the case. But then, cat lovers may want to pretend that there is a Directive Principle re. cat worship. 

The Concurrent List, which includes subjects like education, forests, criminal law, and marriage, refers to those matters where both the Union and the States can legislate; in case of a conflict, Union prevails.

So, there is delegation, not dual sovereignty of the American type.  

The legislatures of Union Territories can make laws on most subjects in the State List and Concurrent List, especially on routine matters like health, education, and transport. However, the Delhi legislature is constitutionally prohibited from exercising power on critical areas such as public order, police, and land.

How is this relevant? The fact that power of various sorts has been delegated doesn't mean a Federation exists.  

While this division of powers

there is delegation from the Union to the States & Territories. However, a Court may find that a particular action of the Union is ultra vires because of some act of omission or commission.  

provides a structural foundation for federal governance,

There is no division & no foundation what soever for 'federal governance'. It is a different matter that you can say 'India has some of the features of a Federation' but one can also say 'India looks to me like a cat worshipping country. Mamta's pussy, in particular, is greatly revered.'  

the degree of autonomy bestowed upon the States varies according to the historical context and terms of their integration into the Indian Union.

No. They are all in the same boat. None has a 'shred of sovereignty'. 

For example, by virtue of the clauses in the Instrument of Accession to India, Jammu and Kashmir was granted a special status under Article 370 of the Constitution (abrogated in 2019).

In 2016, the Bench said it had 'no shred of sovereignty'. There is a long history of such decisions. Why is Dr. Munusamy pretending otherwise? The answer is that a lawyer may lie about the law if that is in the interest of her client. If she is elevated to the Bench, she will follow the law of the land.  

Per this special Article, Jammu and Kashmir had its own Constitution and retained autonomous powers in all internal matters relating to the State except for foreign affairs, defence and communication.

This didn't stop Nehru jailing Abdullah for 11 years.  The fact is the Kashmir Constitution was more draconian- indeed, it permitted the jailing of Abdullah's son & grandson thanks to a law he himself brought in. 

Similarly, Nagaland, which became a new State of the Union in 1963, has a special status under Article 371A, based on the 16-Point Agreement between the Government of India and the Naga People’s Convention (NPC) in 1960.

Hilarious! Nagaland was declared as ‘disturbed area’ in 1972 . The 'Armed Force Special Powers Act' was enacted on September 1, 1972 which gave a wide extension of power to the Armed forces of India making them able to shoot or detain any Naga on mere suspicion of insurgency

Accordingly, neither the provisions of the Constitution nor any law passed by Parliament shall apply to or interfere with Naga religious or social practices, customary law and procedures, administration of civil and criminal justice, and the ownership and transfer of land and its resources unless the State Legislative Assembly approves it through a resolution. Similar special status on different subjects has been granted to several other States under Article 371 in Part XXI of the Constitution.

So what. Such laws existed under the British. This didn't mean their Empire was actually a Federation.  

The scheme of federal governance and the special provisions with respect to certain States collectively demonstrates that the Constitution of India did not seek to establish a centralised–uniform nation but rather a Union grounded in diversity and pluralism.

No. It demonstrates that India was poor and had to proceed slowly. But it killed secessionists with vim and vigour. There was no fucking Federalism. Instead there was a Dynasty much more autocratic than that of England's. 

If so, then why does the Constitution contain unitary features?

It is unitary. It isn't federal though Nehru & Co. had to proceed with a certain amount of guile till the Princely States were integrated & the Muslims & Commies were crushed.  

The Indian Federation — as articulated by the Chairman of the Drafting Committee B. R. Ambedkar, and the Constituent Assembly — emerged from European colonisation and was formed through the annexation of British provinces and princely states, albeit not by mutual agreement but by historical necessity.

This is nonsense. There was no annexation. There was a transfer of power. India & Pakistan became Dominions. Both chose a unitary, not a Federal, form of Government. Malaysia is Federal. Burma, India, Sri Lanka etc. aren't federal. They are unitary.  

With Pakistan already a separate nation, the framers of the Constitution had even more reasons to establish a stronger Union Government at the Centre. This was to ensure national unity and safeguard against external threats.

Indians didn't want a Federation because sooner or later there would be Civil War.  

Speaking of the form of the forthcoming Constitution, Ambedkar, who advocated for ‘a strong united Centre, much stronger than the Centre […] created under the Government of India Act of 1935’, explained in the Constituent Assembly that

… the Draft Constitution can be both unitary as well as federal according to the requirements of time and circumstances. In normal times, it is framed to work as a federal system. But in times of war, it is so designed as to make it work as though it were a unitary system.

Ambedkar was lying through his teeth. He didn't want a Federation for the same reason that Nehru, Patel, Prasad etc. didn't want it. Hindu society needed to be reformed from top to bottom. The more backward areas needed such reform even more than the big cities. Regionalism was associated with feudal customs & practices. Centralization was associated with modernity & progress.  

This suggests that the unitary features that positioned the Union at the Centre and granted overriding powers of regional autonomy of the States under Articles 352–60 in Part XVIII of the Constitution were not intended to be expansive but restricted to emergencies.

Only in the sense that it suggests that Ambedkar wanted us all to worship Mamta's pussy. The problem with telling stupid lies is that anybody can tell an even more stupid lie.  

The Constitution confers Executive power of the Union and the States upon the President of India and the Governors of each State (appointed by the President) respectively.

No. It vests power- i.e. is unconditional. Conferral may be conditional. Since Governors aren't elected, it is clear there is no federalism in India.  

These are authorities responsible for the governance of the Union and the State according to the Constitution, including assenting to bills passed by the Parliament and the Legislative Assembly of the State. When questioned about the Union abusing Emergency powers through the ceremonial heads (President and Governor), Ambedkar remarked that such provisions were expected to ‘remain a dead letter’, never to be brought into effect.

He was lying. So what? It was in a good cause.  

Nevertheless, following the adoption of the Constitution in 1950, Article 356 was invoked to impose President’s Rule by dissolving the Legislative Assembly in various States. On one such occasion, S. R. Bommai (former Chief Minister of the dissolved government of Karnataka State), approached the Supreme Court of India, challenging the constitutional basis of the use of Emergency powers. The Supreme Court, deciding whether Article 356 could be invoked only when the State government fails or when it refuses to comply with directions issued by the Union government in `), held that


Article 356 empowers the President of India to exercise the provision only in case of failure of constitutional machinery in the States, i.e. when … a situation has arisen in which the Government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. The power conferred by Article 356 upon the President is a conditioned power … [which] should be used very sparingly ….

All power is such where a matter is justiciable.  

This decision further reinforced the basic structure doctrine established in Kesavananda Bharati Sripadagalvaru and Ors vs State of Kerala and Anr (1973) which declared that the federal governance guaranteeing autonomy to States constitutes a fundamental feature of the Constitution which the Parliament could not alter, and is therefore indestructible.

This was one reason why judicial autonomy was curbed. For the last three decades the pendulum has swung the other way but this may change. 

As evident from Constituent Assembly debates, the indestructibility or the permanency of the federal structure was not merely a judicial interpretation but a conscious inclusion by the makers of the Constitution.

The opposite is the case. Essentially, after the killing of Rajiv, there was a period when politicians agreed to curb the power of the Centre just in case the Dynasty returned to power. Another way to get to the same result is to have simultaneous State and Central elections.  

They recognised that a Constitutional foundation was crucial not just for federalism to function effectively but also for the working of democracy in India.

Some Democracies have constitutions. Others don't. Plenty of military dictatorships have Constitutions. The thing has no magic power. 

Justifying the inclusion of administrative components in the Constitution, Ambedkar argued that ‘while […] the diffusion of constitutional morality

the Brits have fucked off. We must try to become more like the Brits. Otherwise we will give ear to some Mahacrackpot & our country will turn to shit.  

is necessary for the peaceful working of a democratic Constitution […] administration has a close connection with the form of the Constitution. The form of the administration must be appropriate to and in the same sense as the form of the Constitution.’

Ambedkar dismissed his contribution to the Constitution as 'hack work'. Still, he did his bit for the good of the new nation.  

Ambedkar further warned that even without formally amending the Constitution, ‘it is […] possible to pervert the Constitution […] by merely changing the form of the administration […] to make it inconsistent and opposed to the spirit of the Constitution.’

Like his colleagues, the fellow could talk the hindlegs off a donkey.  

At the same time, Ambedkar was also deeply sceptical of relying on political actors to uphold Constitutional ideals which, he noted in the Constituent Assembly: ‘… constitutional morality is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated [….] Democracy in India is only a top dressing on an Indian soil, which is essentially undemocratic. In these circumstances it is wiser not to trust the Legislature to prescribe forms of administration.’

This was important. What the Constitution is really about is ensuring Civil Servants don't get sacked or lose their pensions no matter how corrupt and incompetent they are.  

This foresight of Ambedkar about the potential undermining of Constitutional ideals through administrative manipulation led to the embedding of administrative norms and federal features directly within the text of the Constitution, rather than leaving them to legislative discretion.

No. What was created was 'justiciability'. Sadly, if Courts are ignored the thing is a dead letter. The plain fact is Judges stayed very quiet when extra-judicial killing was done on an industrial scale.  

This makes evident that State autonomy within the federal framework was not merely an administrative convenience but a core expression of the Constitution’s foundational ethos.

It simply didn't exist, Bommai notwithstanding. Why did dismissals become more infrequent? The answer was the Anti-Defection Bill on the one hand and, on the other, that the Election Commission, thanks to Seshan, upped its game. There is no point toppling a State Administration if you can't capture booths & get your people elected.  

Therefore, on the 75th anniversary of the Constitution of India, it is imperative to reaffirm that State autonomy enshrined in the federal structure is an integral part of the basic structure of Indian constitutional democracy and not a matter of discretion of the Union.

There is no federal structure. Nobody knows what 'basic structure' is. No two benches share the same view. One may say that the Centre has to be more discrete or devious in pulling down an Opposition State.  But, suppose the cretin Rahul gets a big majority. He may do any sort of stupid shit. Only the fear of assassination restrains him but he might decide that his mastery of Aikido has made him bullet proof. What of Tamil Nadu? Stalin has revived the secession threat & Rahul has said stupid things 'e.g. India is like EU' (i.e. countries can secede). Udhaynidhi may be a true believer. Why not emulate the Tamil Tigers? They did well for themselves- right? 

Harsh Mander's imaginary Federalism.

The British wanted India to have a Federal structure- just like Canada, Australia, South Africa etc. Congress- more particularly Nehru- opposed this strongly. However, they may have accepted Federalism had there been no Partition. Once that happened, the vast majority of Indians wanted and got a Unitary constitution with a Centre strong enough to create or redefine States & Union Territories. As the Supreme Court said in 2016, no Indian territory of State has 'a shred of sovereignty'. America has dual sovereignty. It is Federal.  India does not. It is unitary.

Harsh Mander was an IAS officer. He should know this just as well as any High School student. Yet, he writes in the deeply anti-national Scroll. 

 Language, local governance and finance – the debates that defined Indian federalism

There is no federalism because

1)  there had to be linguistic re-organization 

2) local governance meant famine & ethnic cleansing- as in Muslim League ruled Bengal. The Centre had to take power from the states. It could impose President's Rule & use extra-judicial killing on an industrial scale to contain insurgencies of various types. 

3) India could not rely on the British Army & Navy. The Centre had to have much more money so as to fund the military. 

The post-2014 assault on India’s federal democracy

is a myth.  

follows decades of the uneven implementation and erosion of federalism.

Nehru did have to go at a slower pace than he might have wished. But Indira was a different kettle of fish. She had no compunction in dismissing the Communist Government in Kerala. Under her rule there was no such thing as 'States' rights'. It would be safe to say non-Congress parties are more inclined to 'States' rights' because they fear another Dynastic autocrat of limited intelligence.  

The Indian federation under Narendra Modi today is vastly different from the “union of states” imagined by the constituent assembly.

They couldn't be sure the people of at least some of the Princely States might not be loyal to their traditional rulers. However, by the end of the Sixties, India was wholly unitary. The Princes didn't count for shit. Nor did Chief Ministers. Indira was India & India, far from being a 'soft state', was well hard. Heath's Emergency was a miserable failure. Indira's Emergency was a stunning success.  The Bench, wen asked to bend, chose to crawl. Millions of men were forcibly sterilized.  

There are many aspects to this. Take the growing marginalisation of Parliament

Parliament is only marginal if the ruling party has a big majority. Modi currently is head of a coaltion government. 

and the defiant refusal of the union government to consult with opposition leaders and chief ministers on important matters.

There is no such duty though the LoP (or leader of largest opposition party since 2014) is consulted on key appointment as is the CJI or his nominee. But the decision is made by the majority prevails- i.e. in case of conflict, a Judge decides- e.g. in the transfer of Verma as CBI director. 

The latest blow was the aborted attempt to thrust on the country a constitutional amendment enabling a countrywide delimitation of parliamentary constituencies and the possible reduction of seats in southern states.

The Government wanted to raise the number of MPs so all States got more seats. The Opposition, rather foolishly, scuppered this. So delimitation will go ahead under the auspices of the Election Commission. The South will lose seats. What about Sikkim or Ladakh or other such places with low population? If they get to have numerical over-representation, surely that is an argument which should apply to the South?  

Take the weak and uncertain defence of constitutional rights by the judiciary.

The Judiciary is self-selecting. Also, judges have to know the law. They have to respect constitutional rights.  They can't be as ignorant and stupid as Mander.  

Take the deployment of every institution including most recently the Election Commission to interrogate their citizenship.

Why is the Election Commission- a constitutional body- doing its constitutional duty? Every country tries to verify its electoral roll from time to time.  

Take the conversion of the Mahatma Gandhi NREGA from a guarantee of the right to work guaranteed by the centre to a discretionary grant from the centre with major budgetary burdens on the states;

If you are in favour of Federalism, you should be in favour of this. Otherwise, the Centre provides the service directly and the State is disintermediated. Incidentally, there is no 'right to work'. There is an entitlement for certain classes of people for certain types of work for a limited number of days in certain areas. Sadly, getting the work doesn't necessarily mean you will actually get paid.  

and the repackaging of welfare schemes such as of food and housing from rights to the largesse of the prime minister.

A good thing. It gives the PM an incentive to actually deliver. Sadly, if there is no money, there is entitlement failure.  

Take the questionable tactics of coming to power in the majority of states at all costs.

Modi should not fight elections. He should kill himself. Indian Federalism demands no less.  

Take the surge of crony capitalism.

In Tamil Nadu? In West Bengal?  

Take the criminalising of dissent.

Which happened six decades ago.  

All of these have profoundly shaken democracy and India's federal character.

No. Rahul's cowardly refusal to step up to the plate meant that India became less dynastic & more democratic. Rapid economic growth means States have more capacity. That means they have a greater incentive to fight their corner.

Federal institutions like the Inter-State Council and the Finance Commission charged with equitable financial devolution principles have given way to the reshaping of taxation and resource distribution in favour of the Centre, and the overriding of state policies through centrally sponsored schemes.

This happened long ago. It must be said, Modi gave the States a soft landing when it came to the switch to GST.  

We see the naked use of Governors to control opposition-ruled States

not as naked as previously.  

in ways that violate both the letter and spirit of the constitution.

Sadly, the Constitution is heavily weighted to the centre. 

And the conflicts in sensitive border areas of Kashmir and Manipur have again been handled in ways that weaken state authority and exacerbate local community anxieties.

Both are affected by what is happening across the border. There is a limit to what can be achieved politically.  

At a time when the Indian constitution is under grave assault,

Mander is raping the Truth. Thankfully he has a tiny todger & so Truth doesn't notice.  

the Centre for Equity Studies

founded by Mander & other such useless cunts 25 years ago 

planned with the publishers Speaking Tiger a series of short monographs that attempt to identify, unpack and explain the basic ideas of the Constitution.

They told a bunch of stupid lies.  

We identified many of the key ideas for this series, from a reading of the text of the preamble of the Constitution. These were: Secularism, Socialism, Democracy, Justice, Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity.

Cow Protection is a Directive Principle. Guess which religion considers the cow to be sacred? What is important about the Constitution is that it declares itself autochthonous & gives itself unlimited power to amend or abrogate itself. There is no imprescriptible right which the Government can't violate 'in the public interest'.  

However, we felt that there were at least two other essential ideas of the Constitution that needed to be added to our literal reading of the words in the preamble. One of these was Scientific Temper. The other was Federalism.

So, this cunt admits that there is no fucking Federalism in the Constitution.  

Shortly to be released is Federalism: Making and Unmaking of a Union of States. It sets out how the idea of federalism was imagined, debated, pledged and implemented after freedom and the grave dangers it faces in Modi’s India.

I suppose some enemy of India might consider it worth financing this shithead.  

What the author Avinash Kumar accomplishes is to admirably capture crucial elements of the reverberant sweep of the thinking of the makers of independent India.

Ambedkar rightly dismissed his contribution to the Constitution as 'hack work'. Nehru, from 1928 onward, was the main shaper of independent India.  

How they sought to weave a democracy from this boundlessly diverse land with followers of every major religion in the world, more than 500 often restive princely states, and – according to a recent survey – 780 languages and 66 scripts.

Britain had done that. If the minorities had been agreeable, India could have had universal suffrage- just like Ceylon- from 1931 onward.  

The word federalism is never mentioned in the constitution. Yet when BR Ambedkar introduced the draft constitution, he described it as a “federal constitution”. He argued that India’s Constitution really is federal at its core.

Because the Princely States still counted for something. The thing was 'soft soap' or mere puffery- nothing more.  

Federal ‘middle-path’
Gandhi was firmly opposed to centralised states.

He was even more firmly opposed to sex. So what?  

His influential Hind Swaraj published in 1909 was

crazy shit. Nehru finally had the guts to tell Gandhi that in the Nineteen Forties. Gandhi threatened to publish this view of his. Nehru said the equivalent of 'publish & be damned'. Gandhi realised that everybody now thought he was a fucking nuisance.  

not just a landmark critique of modernity and Western civilisation.

Gandhi was deeply ignorant. He thought Japan had become a de facto British colony!  

It contained a blueprint for free India as a true federation of self-sufficient village republics founded on the principles of non-violence and truth.

& not having sex. The race would die out quickly enough unless, obviously, the Muslims took over the place & enslaved the Hindus.  

But Ambedkar passionately rejected Gandhi’s idealisation of the village republic. Villages, he said, were cesspools of caste inequity and oppression.

Also, they smelled of shit.  But so did the cities. 

The federalism voted for by the constituent assembly was very distant from Gandhi’s swaraj.

They couldn't be sure some of the Princes might not start recruiting ex-soldiers & seek to strike deals with regional parties.  Churchill was talking of a 'Prince-stan'. 

Ambedkar clarified that India was not a classic federation, like the United States. It was a “Union of States,” not a federation born of agreement among sovereign units. In this way, India became a federation but one that tilts to the centre, balancing unity with regional autonomy.

Ambedkar wasn't a fool. He knew he was a token appointment- just as his pal, Mandal, was Jinnah's token Law Minister. The wool was being pulled over the eyes of the Princes. Fortunately, they were as stupid as shit.  

As the decades passed, the Gandhian moral beacon that “What touches all must be decided by

me. Gandhi thought he was super-smart.  

all” has for the most part progressively faded in the imagination and practice of the federal ideal in India.

The ideal was a strong unitary state which could kill Muslims or Commies if they wagged their tails.  

During the constituent assembly debates between 1946 and 1949, Ambedkar was joined by Nehru and Vallabhbhai Patel to prioritise national unity and integrity over regional autonomy.

Nehru had always seen Federalism as an Imperialist ploy.  There's a good reason Hindu India chose his path- not that of the Maha-crackpot. 

In the shadow of the horrific Partition bloodbath of religious violence and the sometimes reluctant integration of the princely states, they chose for India a federal structure but with a strong central bias.

No. They chose a unitary structure with the Centre redrawing the boundaries of states- the way Curzon had done to Bengal.  

Nehru felt this was essential for stability and unity in the vast hinterland of illiteracy, communal forces, caste and ethnic divisions. He was convinced that a strong Centre also was essential to establish a secular, socialist welfare state.

He knew that the Presidencies would dominate unless power was centralized. Still, Delhi was a backwater compared to Bombay or Calcutta or even sleepy Madras. 

Some in the constituent assembly like Sarangdhar Das

from Orissa who feared a revival of feudal power 

and Frank Anthony

who supported the First Amendment saying if India needed a Dictator, let that Dictator be Nehru.  

advocated for maximum powers to be vested in the Centre to ensure national unity and stability in light of the challenges India faced post‑Partition. Brajeshwar Prasad feared that the creation of semi‑sovereign states could lead to dangerous centrifugal forces, that regional forces might tear the country apart.

The Muslims might rally under the banner of the Nizam.  

Others like BM Gupte felt that the truly federal idea had been given short shrift. He argued: “The units are kept completely dependent on the Centre for finances. This so‑called independence is just a façade because the provinces rely entirely on the Centre’s good will for financial support.”

The Planning Commission concentrated power in the PMO. To get anything done, industrialists had to go to Delhi & pay obeisance to the Dynasty.  

Linguistic reorganisation of states
Linguistic and regional aspirations soon began to test India’s quasi-federal system.

It had already prevailed with Burma going its own way & Sindh being split off from Bombay.  

A powerful demand rose from the ground after independence to reorganise states boundaries on linguistic grounds.

This had already happened. Orissa had been split off. But there were other more contentious cases.  

The Yiddish linguist Max Weinreich famously described a “language” as “a dialect with an army and a navy”.

Which Yiddish lacked. But Hebrew soon got both.  

It was language that was to result in the bloody separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan.

Religion. This fucker's family ran away from Lahore not because they spoke a different language but because they were Hindus.  

The language agitations in India were not on the backs of armies and navies, but spurred by passionate and sometimes militant activists.

Religion, too, mattered. That is why Punjab & Haryana were created.  

The Congress committee known as the “JVP” committee – named after its members Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, and Pattabhi Sitaramayya – both advised against linguistic reorganisation and the creation of new provinces because they felt that maintaining national unity was the priority of the time.

But Andhra Pradesh had to be conceded after a Telugu politician went on hunger strike & then actually died. A Sikh leader went on an even longer hunger strike but gave up after he put on too much weight.  

But linguistic aspirations refused to die down. In December 1952, Potti Sriramulu died after a hunger strike demanding a Telugu-speaking state. This sparked rioting and many died. Nehru eventually agreed to the creation of Andhra Pradesh and to establish an independent commission to address other statehood demands.

This had happened under the Brits as well.  

After the States Reorganisation Act of 1956, the Telangana region of Hyderabad State was merged with Andhra Pradesh, the Malabar district of Madras Presidency was joined with Travancore-Cochin to create the state of Kerala, Kannada-speaking regions from Bombay, Hyderabad, and Madras Presidency were added to Mysore State to form Karnataka, and the Bombay State was expanded by merging it with Kutch, Saurashtra, and Marathi-speaking parts of Hyderabad.

There can't be dual sovereignty- i.e. Federalism- if States aren't well defined.  

In 1960, Maharashtra and Gujarat were created from the former Bombay province, and in 1966, Haryana was separated from Punjab. Tripura and Mizoram were created on the basis of languages that were not even in the list of 22 languages scheduled in the Constitution. These were Kokborok and Mizo respectively.

This trend has continued. New States like Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Telengana etc. have been created. Orissa may be split up.  

Avinash Kumar describes how the imposition of Hindi as the national language was associated with fears of a centralised state encroaching on regional aspirations, from the times of Lal Bahadur Shastri to Narendra Modi.

Indira Gandhi killed off that bogeyman & thus got DMK support when she split from the Syndicate.  

When in the 1960s, prime minister Lal Bahadur Shastri’s government dropped English as the second official language with Hindi, 27-year-old Chinnasamy from Tiruchi left a note stating “I plan to die in order to protect Tamil. One day, my goal will be met”, before setting himself on fire. Six more youths set themselves aflame or consumed poison and 70 lives were lost before Shastri withdrew his order.

Indira was the only sensible Congress-wallah at that time. Kamraj & Bhaktavatsalam shat the bed.  

The government promulgated a three-language formula, requiring all students to learn English, Hindi and any one modern Indian language, but Tamil Nadu under Annadurai refused to implement this.

Nobody cared. 

Fast-forward to 2025. Udhayanidhi Stalin of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam declares that “If Hindi is imposed on us, not hundreds, but thousands of youths are ready to sacrifice their lives to protect Tamil and our rights.”

Udhaynidhi will succeed his father. That's a good thing. Tamil Nadu will continue to grow.  

While the legitimacy of linguistic states are accepted in principle, the Indian state has been consistent in resisting demands of religious states. Nehru firmly turned down the demand for a separate Punjabi Sooba for Sikhs. This demand was partially conceded in 1966 only after it was reframed to focus on linguistic rather than religious grounds.

Fuck off! It was explicitly religious. It was hugely comic that Hindus were saying ' mērē nāla hidī vica gala kara. Mainū pajābī nahīṁ ā'undī',

Over the decades, regional aspirations not restricted to language – but not on the basis of religion – formed the ground for the creation of new states. Sikkim became a new state after it joined the Indian union in 1975.

Because the majority was Nepali not Bhutia.  

Goa became a state in 1987 as well as various states in the north-east responding to regional aspirations. Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Uttarakhand became states in 2000, and Telangana in 2014.

Will UP be further split up?  

Fiscal federalism
Avinash Kumar describes fiscal federalism as “both a tool of cooperation and a source of friction”.

Revenue sharing is always contentious. 

He identifies it as being the most contested arena in India’s federalism.

There is no Federalism. There is a Union Government & a State government.  

The Constitution empowers the Union to collect major taxes such as income tax, corporate tax, and excise duties, while States can levy taxes on land, agricultural income, alcohol, and sales of goods, among others.

Such was the previous position.  

Ambedkar in the constituent assembly was a strong advocate of defending the states’ right to levy and collect sales tax, so that at least one major source of revenue lay with the states, securing for them some autonomy in financial decision-making.

Everybody knew there was no alternative. You had to keep that which worked and add to it at the margin. It would take decades to implement a centralized fiscal apparatus. 

The Planning Commission was criticised by states at times for being top-down in determining the scale of central resources available to states and how they will deploy these.

It was also criticised for being utterly shit.  

From the late 1960s onwards, the Central government through the Planning Commission launched a growing number of important centrally-sponsored schemes for combating poverty, including programs for livelihoods, credit, food and housing. These on balance had positive results from the prism of equity, but also had the effect of expanding further the central control over dissemination of resources to the states.

The problem was that there was precious little to 'disseminate'.  

The Finance Commission is appointed by the President, and helps determine how tax revenues are distributed between the Union and States. It is supposed to function as a transparent arbiter and a defender of State finances and the finances of local governance bodies. Its performance has however been uneven.

There is little point having a Finance Commission if you have no fucking money.  

The greater control over resources by the centre faced less resistance as long as the Congress was in power in the centre and the majority of the states.

It faced little resistance when opposition leaders were locked up.  

As this changed, state governments of other political parties began to express their dissatisfaction with this tilt of India’s federal arrangements to the union government.

All governments pissed public money against a wall. that was what people objected to.  

An important landmark in this resistance was when in its 1989 manifesto the National Front coalition called for greater decentralisation as articulated by non-Congress state chief ministers, each of considerable political stature – Ramakrishna Hegde, NT Ramarao, Jyoti Basu and MG Ramachandran.

They wanted to piss more money against their own favourite wall.  

This argued that the States “ought to enjoy genuine autonomy – political, legislative, economic, fiscal and administrative – without submitting themselves to the indignity of becoming supplicants before the Centre, with a begging bowl”. Kumar however points to the irony that although the 1990s and early 2000s was the era of coalition governments in the union that relied hugely on regional parties, in practice even this period did not see a significant reworking of centre-state fiscal relations.

What does that tell you? Growing the cake was more profitable than squabbling over how it was cut up. Also, richer states had higher state capacity & thus could claim more under various Central schemes.  

He also describes the impact from the 1990s onwards on India’s fiscal federalism of economic liberalisation policies. The Centre was subjected to greater financial discipline reducing the share of states in the fiscal pool.

Tariff revenue fell as proportion of Central Government revenue which meant it needed to switch to expenditure taxes.   

States like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Orissa, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal began to lobby and compete for alternative sources of revenue, mostly in the form of foreign direct investment or by directly supporting the setting up of businesses and industries by foreign companies. This new era of “competitive federalism”

i.e. States offering better packages for f.d.i.  

however led to greater inequality between states

i.e. some become less fucking poor. Mander does not approve.  

and enhanced migration of unskilled labour from poorer states to those that were able to mobilise private and international capital. 

Capitalism is very evil. It sodomises poor workers.  

Taking federalism to local bodies
It was hoped that the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments would empower local bodies, bringing to life at last Gandhi’s principle – “What touches all must be decided by all”.

Lord Ripon tried to do it in the 1880s. The problem is that what touches all can't be decided by all if they don't have any fucking money.  

However, what actually mostly happened was that the real power of decision-making mostly remained with district-level bureaucracies.

The Brits had a commission on 'Devolution' which reported this over a century ago.  

These officials are both influenced and controlled by the state and central governments. Local bodies have no real power over them.

Unless they do in which case the outcome is worse.  

It was as late as in 1992 that amendments were brought into the constitution to belatedly and in very limited measure implement Gandhiji’s idea of swaraj or village-led self-rule. Until then the federal contestation was primarily between the centre and the states.

i.e. nothing actually happened.  

Urban bodies and people’s direct assemblies did not even enter the picture.

till they did and nothing actually happened.  

For this reason, the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments of 1992 were optimistically hailed

by shitheads 

as a significant milestone in India's democratic federalism.

Subsidiarity not federalism.  

These amendments for the first time conferred a constitutional status to local self-governments – Panchayati Raj Institutions in rural areas and Urban Local Bodies in towns and cities.

What was legal under state law was also legal under the Constitution. But central land had precedence.  

These were touted as promoting decentralisation, and bringing the administration closer to the people by ensuring direct people’s participation in governance.

It could work & did work well enough in places. The problem is that if the people are shitty, their participation will have shitty results/ 

India’s federal structure

No. Its political structure changed. There is no 'federal structure'.  

in this way evolved from a two-tier to a three-tier structure. A new Eleventh Schedule was added to the Constitution, listing 29 subjects that could be devolved to the rural bodies and 18 to the urban bodies. Seats were reserved not just for Scheduled Castes and Tribes but also, for the first time, for women. Many states like Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Karnataka did take some steps to empower the local bodies. States like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar showed greater reluctance to do this. Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh raised women’s reservations to 50%.

On average they raise less than a dollar per head & thus are reliant on State funds. Still at least three million useless people are getting a modest honorarium. 

However, despite the rhetoric and self-congratulation that accompanied the 73rd and 74th amendments, real decentralisation of funds, functions and functionaries to this third tier barely occurred in practice.

If you aren't raising money, you are merely a paid lackey.  

When programs like the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act were implemented through rural local bodies, this did enrich them with funds but panchayats became as Kumar observed, “implementers of central schemes, not autonomous planning bodies”.

He who pays the piper calls the tune.  

Decentralisation remained administrative, not political, and with little fiscal independence.

But administration costs money. There isn't much of it in places where money is tight.  

Gandhiji in Hind Swaraj had imagined these very communities not just as the bulwark against centralized despotic regimes but also as self-dependent economic communities.

Which didn't have wheeled vehicles. If you can't walk there, don't go there. Gandhi had shit for brains. That is why Mander loves him so much.  

The 73rd and 74th amendments while paying lip service to these ideals in practice have done very little to make them a reality.

Because the reality would be too horrible for words.  

Hindutva and dismantling federal democracy

Hindus didn't want federalism because they felt threatened by Muslims, Christians & Communists. That is why Indian Democracy is unitary. Hindutva just means ecumenical (i.e. anti-caste & non-sectarian) Hinduism.  Hindus must hang together or else get conquered again. 

Kumar also maps the uneven implementation of the federal idea in India

it was rejected. Still, the country had no alternative but to work with what already existed only reforming it gradually or in response to pressure from below. But this was also true of the Brits.  

in the decades after freedom, and identifies periods marked by its conspicuous erosion. This was visible most of all under prime minister Indira Gandhi;

& Rajiv. But assassination tempers autocracy. 

and now even more damagingly under Narendra Modi

He should lose elections & then kill himself. Why are Hindooos not committing suicide en masse? Is it because they want to make Mander cry his little eyes out?  

Kumar describes the Emergency (1975-77), under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, as representing one peak of centralization, with the suspension of civil liberties and the undermining of federal autonomy.

OMG! This Kumar dude is a freakin' genius! 

The Modi era from 2014 reflects the second peak, a phase of the ideologically driven erosion of India’s federal idea.

It is also the erosion of the India that the country should be ruled by nice Italian lady or her idiot son.  

MG Golwarkar is one of the foremost Hindutva leaders who Narendra Modi once identified to be his greatest influence. Golwarkar writes starkly, “We are one country, one society, and one nation, with a community of life-values and secular aspirations and interests; and hence it is natural that the affairs of the nation are governed through a single state of the unitary type.

which is what Nehru created.  

The present federal system generates and feeds separatist feelings. In a way, it negates the truth of a single nationhood and is, therefore, divisive in nature. It must be remedied and the Constitution amended and cleaned so as to establish Unitary form of government.”

So Gowalkar & Nehru were on the same page in 1939 (when he published the above). But then the RSS was merely a weaker & more provincial sister of the Congress Seva Dal of which Nehru was a proud member.  

Hindutva demands a homogenisation of religion, language and culture, the denial of rights even of citizenship to religious minorities, and unquestioning obedience to the supreme leader.

Which is what the Dynasty used to deliver. Sadly, Rajiv was a bit crap & Rahul more than a bit.  

All of this is manifestly incompatible with federal and secular democracy.

Yet, it is what has obtained. That's the reason this cunt's family fled to India not Iran or Afghanistan.  

We therefore understand that the rapid centralisation under the Modi government is the outcome of the rise of aggressive Hindutva.

Which triumphed in 1947 after which Muslims became second class citizens unless they were stripped of citizenship by the 1948 ordinance.  

Kumar also refers to the deployment of popular films to push the Hindutva narrative at the expense of the complex political histories of states.

Kumar is a kretin.  

Films like The Kashmir Files, Article 370, The Bengal Files, and The Kerala Story

made money. The Cinema is a profit driven business. 

hinge on false and incendiary narratives of Hindu victimhood and Muslim radicalisation.

Did you know that Osama bin Laden was actually a Jewish Lesbian? There is no such thing as a Muslim terrorist.  

This is perhaps the most compelling part of Avinsha Kumar’s monograph, when he explains Hindutva's opposition to federalism is ideological.

As is their refusal to convert to Islam, get gender reassignment surgery, & marry Field Marshall Munir. 

We understand that the multiple assaults on federal democracy under Narendra Modi are not simply

imaginary? 

the outcome of an autocratic ruler hungry to amplify and centralise his power.

Modi doesn't own his party the way Stalin or Mamta or Rahul own their parties. If Modi does stupid shit, the BJP will dump him.  

We recognise it for what it is: an ideological project constituting an assault on both the idea of India but also the constitutional imagination of a secular democracy.

Why stop there? Why not say that Modi is vigorously sodomizing Mander? Such assaults are unconstitutional! 

Federalism in the Indian Constitution today stands in mortal danger.

What doesn't exist can't be killed.  

Friday, 24 April 2026

Rushdie in the belly of the Donald

The story of Jonah is well known to Muslims. Indeed, there is a sahih hadith which equates Jonah & the Prophet as being at the same high level of sanctity. 

Remarkably, there is at least one Muslim who pretends not to know this. 

45 years ago, Salman Rushdie wrote the following essay, titled 'outside the whale' for Granta 

Anyone who has switched on the television set, been to the cinema or entered a bookshop in the last few months will be aware that the British Raj, after three and half decades in retirement, has been making a sort of comeback.

It had never gone away. There had been Television adaptations of Forster's 'Passage' as well as re-runs of the Korda's films starring Sabu- the elephant boy0 not to mention 'Carry on up the Khyber' & 'It aint half hot Mum'. Hollywood's 'Gunga Din' & 'Kim' too were well received. My favourite was 'Nine hours to Rama' with Robert Morley in black-face playing a Congress Minister.  However, Rumer Godden's 'River' & 'Black Narcissus' had their movements. John Masters' 'Bhowani Junction' was a favourite with my parents. 

After the big-budget fantasy double-bill of Gandhi and Octopussy,

Gandhi was supported by the Indian Government. Octopussy had Vijay Amrithraj but was deeply silly.  

we have had the blackface minstrel-show of The Far Pavilions in its TV

which made a loss 

serial incarnation, and immediately afterwards the grotesquely overpraised Jewel in the Crown.

It made Art Malik a star.  

I should also include the alleged ‘documentary’ about Subhas Chandra Bose, Granada Television’s War of the Springing Tiger, which, in the finest traditions of journalistic impartiality, described India’s second-most-revered Independence leader as a ‘clown’.

The Communist Chief Minister of West Bengal, Jyoti Basu, asked Indira to stop its release though Bose's nephew- Sisir- had contributed to it.  

And lest we begin to console ourselves that the painful experiences are coming to an end, we are reminded that David Lean’s film of A Passage to India is in the offing.

Victor Bannerjee's finest performance.  

I remember seeing an interview with Mr Lean in The Times, in which he explained his reasons for wishing to make a film of Forster’s novel. ‘I haven’t seen Dickie Attenborough’s Gandhi yet,’ he said, ‘but as far as I’m aware, nobody has yet succeeded in putting India on the screen.’

Fair point. There had been no Indian 'Lawrence'. Did Lean succeed? Well enough.  

The Indian film industry, from Satyajit Ray to Mr N. T. Rama Rao, will no doubt feel suitably humbled by the great man’s opinion.

No. They laughed heartily at the director of 'Ryan's daughter'. Still, 'Lawrence' is immortal.  

These are dark days. Having expressed my reservations about the Gandhi film elsewhere, I have no wish to renew my quarrel with Mahatma Dickie.

Coz he'd always win. He had placed Outram in Ray's 'Shatranj' & secured Indira's backing.  

As for Octopussy, one can only say that its portrait of modern India was as grittily and uncompromisingly realistic as its depiction of the skill, integrity and sophistication of the British secret services.

One can only say that if one has nothing to say.  

In defence of the Mahattenborough, he did allow a few Indians to be played by Indians. (One is becoming grateful for the smallest of mercies.)

One isn't becoming a prat. Once was always that.  

Those responsible for transferring The Far Pavilions to the screen would have no truck with such tomfoolery. True, Indian actors were allowed to play the villains (Saeed Jaffrey, who has turned the Raj revival into a personal cottage industry, with parts in Gandhi and The Jewel in the Crown as well, did his hissing and hand-rubbing party piece; and Sneh Gupta

who was the hostess on 'Sale of the Century'. Asians disliked her because they considered her too dark.  

played the selfish princess, but unluckily for her, her entire part consisted of the interminably repeated line, ‘Ram Ram’).

To be fair, she wasn't a RADA graduate. She was from Kenya & pretty damn enterprising. I believe she returned to India to work with handicapped kids.  

Meanwhile, the good-guy roles were firmly commandeered by Ben Cross, Christopher Lee, Omar Sharif, and, most memorably, Amy Irving as the good princess, whose make-up person obviously believed that Indian princesses dip their eyes in black ink and get sun-tans on their lips.

It sounds as though Rushdie actually watched that dreck. No one else did. By then every Indian family in the UK had a VCR.

Now of course The Far Pavilions is the purest bilge. The great processing machines of TV-soap opera have taken the somewhat more fibrous garbage of the M. M. Kaye book and pureed it into easy-swallow, no-chewing-necessary drivel. Thus, the two central characters, both supposedly raised as Indians, have been lobotomized to the point of being incapable of pronouncing their own names. The man calls himself ‘A Shock’, and the woman ‘An Jooly’.

That isn't why it bombed. 

Around and about them there is branding of human flesh and snakery and widow-burning by the natives. There are Pathans who cannot speak Pushto. And, to avoid offending the Christian market, we are asked to believe that the child ‘A Shock’, while being raised by Hindus and Muslims, somehow knew that neither ‘way’ was for him, and instinctively, when he wished to raise his voice in prayer, ‘prayed to the mountains’.

Hindus can pray to the mountain- more particularly if it is Kailash, Govardhana, Arunachala etc. 

It would be easy to conclude that such material could not possibly be taken seriously by anyone, and that it is therefore unnecessary to get worked up about it. Should we not simply rise above the twaddle, switch off our sets and not care?

No. We turn on the VCR & watch either Kung Fu or Porn or Porn Kung Fu.  

I should be happier about this, the quietist option – and I shall have more to say about quietism later on – if I did not believe that it matters, it always matters, to name rubbish as rubbish; that to do otherwise is to legitimize it. I should also mind less were it not for the fact that The Far Pavilions, book as well as TV serial, is only the latest in a very long line of fake portraits inflicted by the West on the East.

It didn't make a profit. What if inflicted was a loss on its producers. But the same thing happened with 'Zulu Dawn'.  

The creation of a false Orient of cruel-lipped princes and dusky slim-hipped maidens,

sadly, our maidens tend to be as fat as fuck 

of ungodliness, fire and the sword, has been brilliantly described by Edward Said in his classic study Orientalism, in which he makes clear that the purpose of such false portraits was to provide moral, cultural and artistic justification for imperialism

Fuck off! Imperialism is only cool if it makes a profit.  

and for its underpinning ideology, that of the racial superiority of the Caucasian over the Asiatic.

Nobody complained about 'Temple of Doom'. Why? It wasn't boring shite.  

Let me add only that stereotypes are easier to shrug off if yours is not the culture being stereotyped;

by you.  

or, at the very least, if your culture has the power to counterpunch against the stereotype.

Like Octopussy?  

If the TV screens of the West were regularly filled by equally hyped, big-budget productions depicting the realities of India, one could stomach the odd M. M. Kaye. When praying to the mountains is the norm, the stomach begins to heave.

Salman's Muslim stomach begins to heave when he hears about what kaffirs get up to.  

Paul Scott was M. M. Kaye’s agent, and it has always seemed to me a damning indictment of his literary judgement that he believed The Far Pavilions to be a good book.

It sold 15 million copies. That's all that matters.  

Even stranger is the fact that The Raj Quartet and the Kaye novel are founded on identical strategies of what, to be polite, one must call borrowing.

Nope. They are based on writing stuff ordinary people find engaging. Kaye & Scott weren't rich & hadn't been to Oxbridge. They provided for themselves & their families by working hard & producing middle-brow literature of (in my opinion) an 'improving' or humanistic type.  

In both cases, the central plot-motifs are lifted from earlier and much finer novels. In The Far Pavilions, the hero Ash (‘A Shock’) – raised an Indian, discovered to be a sahib, and ever afterwards torn between his two selves – will be instantly recognizable as the cardboard cut-out version of Kipling’s Kim.

Or Tagore's 'Gora'.  

And the rape of Daphne Manners in the Bibighar Gardens derives just as plainly from Forster’s Passage to India.

No it doesn't.  Adela wasn't raped. Daphne was- by Indians who beat up her lover. Shit like that goes down all the time. That's why you need to get a fucking hotel room if you want to get intimate with your girlfriend. Oddly, this is not the case if she happens to be a goat. 

But because Kaye and Scott are vastly inferior to the writers they follow,

Everybody is inferior to Rudyard fucking Kipling. Also Shakespeare. Even my own 'Omelette- Denmark's Humpty Dumpty Prince' has not displaced 'Hamlet' on the English stage. 

they turn what they touch to pure lead. Where Forster’s scene in the Marabar caves retains its ambiguity and mystery, Scott gives us not one rape but a gang assault, and one perpetrated, what is more, by peasants. Smelly persons of the worst sort.

Coz that's what actually happens in India. Peasants are horny buggers.  

So class as well as sex is violated; Daphne gets the works. It is useless, I’m sure, to suggest that if a rape must be used as the metaphor of the Indo-British connection, then surely, in the interests of accuracy, it should be the rape of an Indian woman by one or more Englishmen of whatever class…not even Forster dared to write about such a crime.

It wouldn't have been a crime. The victim was clearly a prostitute- or had become so- unless she wasn't & her family decided to keep quiet about it. Obviously, the true irony here is that hardly any Whites were killed or molested in the Forties. Millions of Indians were killed or raped during that period by darkies like themselves.  

So much more evocative to conjure up white society’s fear of the darkie, of big brown cocks.

Small brown cocks. African heritage men are believed to be better endowed. That's why Tamils like me would shave our heads in the hope of being mistaken for the possessor of a giant dong. Sadly, nobody was taken in- probably because of my Peter Sellers' accent. 

You will say I am being unfair; Scott is a writer of a different calibre from M. M. Kaye.

Because he has a dick.  

What’s more, very few of the British characters come at all well out of the Quartet – Barbie, Sarah, Daphne, none of the men. (Kaye, reviewing the TV adaptation, found it excessively rude about the British.)

Kaye was right. She belonged to the older, Rumer Godden, generation. Indians were happy she made a lot of money by showing filial piety to her own ancestors.  

In point of fact, I am not sure that Scott is so much finer an artist. Like Kaye, he has an instinct for the cliche. Sadistic, bottom-flogging policeman Merrick turns out to be (surprise!) a closet homosexual. His grammar-school origins give him (what else?) a chip on the shoulder.

It must be said, the actor playing Merrick was very good.  

And all around him is a galaxy of chinless wonders, regimental grandes dames, lushes, empty-headed blondes, silly-asses, plucky young things, good sorts, bad eggs and Russian counts with eyepatches. The overall effect is rather like a literary version of Mulligatawny soup. It tries to taste Indian, but ends up being ultra-parochially British, only with too much pepper.

The novels hadn't done very well but the TV series was a hit. No one grudged Scott his success though his jaundiced view of the final days of the Raj was somewhat unfair. Still, Wavell himself was uncomfortable with things he was obliged to do in 1942. That is why he was determined to put an end to the Raj.  

And yes, Scott is harsh in his portraits of many British characters; but I want to try and make a rather more difficult point, a point about form.

Rushdie could never see what actual point was being made.  

The Quartet’s form tells us, in effect, that the history of the end of the Raj was largely composed of the doings of the officer class and its wife.

No. It tells us that the Brits had granted Provincial Autonomy in 1935. If, in 1937, the Indians could cobble together a Federal Government, the country would be de facto an independent Dominion.  Sadly, the Indians couldn't get their act together and so a bunch of Brits were left in limbo for a decade.  

Indians get walk-ons, but remain, for the most part, bit-players in their own history.

Nope. They had formed Governments in the Provinces. Then Congress resigned office and so a handful of Brits had to maintain a zombie regime.  

Once this form has been set, it scarcely matters that individual, fictional Brits get unsympathetic treatment from their author.

This is a zombie regime. The Brits would rather have been back home repairing the damage of the Blitz, or fighting Hitler in Normandy.  

The form insists that they are the ones whose stories matter, and that is so much less than the whole truth that it must be called a falsehood.

Their stories matter to themselves & their kids or other relatives. Brits can't help being British. 

It will not do to argue that Scott was attempting only to portray the British in India, and that such was the nature of imperialist society that the Indians would only have had bit parts.

Why not? Scott had been a private soldier in India. He wasn't an expert in Urdu literature & Islamic law. He couldn't do very much in the way of depicting Indians for the same reason that I can't do very much by way of representing Nineteenth Century Geordie lesbians.  

It is no defence to say that a work adopts, in its structure, the very ethic which, in its content and tone, it pretends to dislike.

But no such defence was offered because nobody was stupid enough to charge a work by a British writer with not being that of an Indian.  

It is, in fact, the case for the prosecution.

Only if Brits can be sent to jail for not being Indian.  

I cannot end this brief account of the Raj revival without returning to David Lean, a film director whose mere interviews merit reviews.

Nonsense! The guy was over 70. He had made at least 4 great films. He deserved his comeback.  

I have already quoted his masterpiece in The Times; here now are three passages from his conversation with Derek Malcolm in the Guardian of 23 January 1984: 

He was turning 76. Everyone agreed he was a great director. No one thought he was a Professor of Film Studies or Cultural History or 'Subaltern Studies'.  


'Forster was a bit anti-English,

He was a Pacifist during the first World War. It would be fair to say he was anti-Imperialist & a great friend to Indian & Indians.  

anti-Raj and so on. I suppose it’s a tricky thing to say, but I’m not so much.

Good for you. Your 1942 film 'In which we serve' raised morale. Don't apologize for fighting Hitler & Tojo. They were evil bastards.  

I intend to keep the balance more. I don’t believe all the English were a lot of idiots. Forster rather made them so. He came down hard against them. I’ve cut out that bit at the trial where they try to take over the court. Richard [Goodwin, the producer] wanted me to leave it in. But I said no, it just wasn’t right. They wouldn’t have done that.

Lean is absolutely right. Forster over-egged the cake. Back then, most educated Indians knew a lot about the law. To be fair, there were other anachronistic elements in the novel. I suppose, his point was that Ronnie was a dim bulb. He mismanaged the whole thing. 

As for Aziz, there’s a hell of a lot of Indian in him.

Aligarh Muslim schoolboy of a previous generation. He incarnates Akbar Illahabadi's couplet 'Payt masroof hai klerki mein/ Dil hai Iran or Turk mein ('tis but the belly makes necessary the clerk's white collar/ Our heart never forsakes Janissary & Ayatollah!

They’re marvellous people but maddening sometimes, you know…. He’s a goose. But he’s warm and you like him awfully. I don’t mean that in a derogatory way – things just happen to him. He can’t help it. And Miss Quested…well, she’s a bit of a prig and a bore in the book, you know. I’ve changed her, made her more sympathetic. Forster wasn’t always very good with women.

All this is perfectly fair. 

One other thing. I’ve got rid of that ‘Not yet, not yet’ bit. You know, when the Quit India

Non-Cooperation movement. Quit India was 20 years later 

stuff comes up, and we have the passage about driving us into the sea? Forster experts have always said it was important, but the Fielding-Aziz friendship was not sustained by those sorts of things. At least I don’t think so. The book came out at the time of the trial of General Dyer

there was no trial 

and had a tremendous success in America for that reason.

Because 'miscegenation' was big there. It was uncontroversial in India. One of the best books about Indian Shiah Islam was written by an English woman who married a Shia intellectual back in the early Nineteenth century.  (Mrs Meer Hassan Ali (born Biddy Timms) was an Englishwoman who married an Indian Shia Muslim, Meer Hassan Ali, in the early nineteenth century and authored the well-regarded book, Observations on the Mussulmauns of India (1832)).

But I thought that bit rather tacked on. Anyway, I see it as a personal not a political story.

Perfectly fair. Forster was expounding G.E Moore's ethical philosophy. He comes to the conclusion that this can be implemented in England by English people- not India even if English peeps there have some Indian chums.  

Forster’s lifelong refusal to permit his novel to be filmed begins to look rather sensible.

He refused permission for all his novels. They weren't cinematic in the manner cinema was conceived in his heyday.  

But once a revisionist enterprise gets under way, the mere wishes of a dead novelist provide no obstacle.

Merchant/Ivory/Jhabwallah made great versions of Forster & even Henry fucking James.  

And there can be little doubt that in Britain today the refurbishment of the Empire’s tarnished image is underway.

There can be no doubt whatsoever that nobody gave a flying fart.  

The continuing decline, the growing poverty and the meanness of spirit of much of Thatcherite Britain

VS Naipaul liked her. Graham Greene didn't. We are on Naipaul's side.  

encourages many Britons to turn their eyes nostalgically to the lost hour of their precedence.

Trafalgar? That was cool. The problem with the Raj was that it was as boring as fuck. Even Piers Brosnan couldn't save Merchant Ivory's 'Deceivers' (based on John Masters's novel) from bombing at the box office.  

The recrudescence of imperialist ideology and the popularity of Raj fictions put one in mind of the phantom twitchings of an amputated limb.

Carry on up the Khyber came out in 1968. That pretty much killed off the Raj as a topos for adventure films in the style of Korda's 'the drum' (1938).  

Britain is in danger of entering a condition of cultural psychosis, in which it begins once again to strut and posture like a great power while in fact its power diminishes every year.

Very true. Thatcher might invade the Punjab.  

The jewel in the crown is made, these days, of paste.

The Kohinoor wasn't. It emerged from an Afghan's anus. That is why British Crown still is famous.  

Anthony Barnett has cogently argued, in his television-essay ‘Let’s Take the “Great” out of Britain’, that the idea of a great Britain (originally just a collective term for the countries of the British Isles, but repeatedly used to bolster the myth of national grandeur) has bedevilled the actions of all post-war governments. But it was Margaret Thatcher who, in the euphoria of the Falklands victory, most plainly nailed her colours to the old colonial mast, claiming that the success in the South Atlantic proved that the British were still the people ‘who had ruled a quarter of the world.’ Shortly afterwards she called for a return to Victorian values, thus demonstrating that she had embarked upon a heroic battle against the linear passage of Time.

Sadly, she saved Rushdie from the Ayatollah's assassins. Fuck you Thatcher! Fuck you very much! 


I am trying to say something which is not easily heard above the clamour of praise for the present spate of British-Indian fictions: that works of art, even works of entertainment, do not come into being in a social and political vacuum; and that the way they operate in a society cannot be separated from politics, from history.

This was the Ayatollah's point. Rushdie was a Brit engaging in propaganda against the great people of Iran.  

For every text, a context; and the rise of Raj revisionism, exemplified by the huge success of these fictions,

Not that huge. Jilly Cooper & Jeffery Archer were big. But Douglas Adams was the only one I can still recall.  

is the artistic counterpart to the rise of conservative ideologies in modern Britain. And no matter how innocently the writers and filmmakers work, no matter how skilfully the actors act (and nobody would deny the brilliance of, for example, the performances of Susan Wooldridge as Daphne and Peggy Ashcroft as Barbie in the TV Jewel), they run the grave risk of helping to shore up that conservatism, by offering it the fictional glamour which its reality so grievously lacks.

If you aren't a shithead of the Rushdie type then you run the grave risk of not being a shithead.  


The title of this essay derives, obviously, from that of an earlier piece (1940) by the year’s other literary phenomenon,

(this was published in 1984) 

Mr Orwell. And as I’m going to dispute its assertions about the relationship between politics and literature, I must of necessity begin by offering a summary of that essay, ‘Inside the Whale’.

Rushdie was too stupid to understand the Biblical reference to Jonah. God wants him to tell the people of Nineveh that God will destroy the City. Jonah runs away but gets swallowed by a Whale. He returns & prophesies doom but God doesn't destroy Nineveh. Jonah feels ill used- just like the Commie who prophesies doom to Capitalism but lives on to watch it flourish as never before. 

It opens with a largely admiring analysis of the writing of Henry Miller:

Coz sex is better than Socialism. 

On the face of it, no material could be less promising. When Tropic of Cancer was published the Italians were marching into Abyssinia and Hitler’s concentration camps were already bulging….

Fuck should an American care if the Old World did stupid Old World shite?  

It did not seem to be a moment at which a novel of outstanding value was likely to be written about American dead-beats cadging drinks in the Latin Quarter.

No such novel was written. Still, it is true that sex is nice.  

Of course a novelist is not obliged to write directly about contemporary history, but a novelist who simply disregards the major public events of the day is generally either a footler or a plain idiot.

In the opinion of a fucking cretin.  

From a mere account of the subject matter of Tropic of Cancer, most people would probably assume it to be no more than a bit of naughty-naughty left over from the twenties. Actually, nearly everyone who read it saw at once that it was…a very remarkable book. How or why remarkable?

Coz sex is nice.  

His attempt to answer that question takes Orwell down more and more tortuous roads. He ascribes to Miller the gift of opening up a new world ‘not by revealing what is strange, but by revealing what is familiar.’ He praises him for using English ‘as a spoken language, but spoken without fear, i.e. without fear of rhetoric or of the unusual or poetic word. It is a flowing, swelling prose, a prose with rhythms in it.’ And most crucially he likens Miller to Whitman, ‘for what he is saying, after all, is “I accept”.’

Fucking is nice. Saying 'boo to Capitalism' is a waste of fucking time.  

Around here things begin to get a little bizarre. Orwell quite fairly points out that to say ‘I accept’ to life in the thirties ‘is to say that you accept concentration camps, rubber truncheons, Hitler, Stalin, bombs, aeroplanes, tinned food, machine guns, putsches, purges, slogans, Bedaux belts, gas masks, submarines, spies, provocateurs, press censorship, secret prisons, aspirins, Hollywood films and political murders.’ (No, I don’t know what a Bedaux belt is, either.)

It is a speeded up Assembly life. Orwell didn't understand that nobody says 'I accept' to life though they may say 'pardon' when they fart. On the other hand, if you say 'you farted', you are accepting responsibility for sucking the cock of every hobo in thirteenth Century China. 

My point is you don't have to go to Rugby or Eton to say stupid shit- but it does help..  

But in the very next paragraph he tells us that ‘precisely because, in one sense, he is passive to experience, Miller is able to get nearer to the ordinary man than is possible to more purposive writers.

Put sex into your books if you want proles to read them.  

For the ordinary man is also passive.’ Characterizing the ordinary man as a victim, he then claims that only the Miller type of victim-books, ‘non-political…non-ethical…non-literary…non-contemporary,’ can speak with the people’s voice. So to accept concentration camps and Bedaux belts turns out to be pretty worthwhile, after all.

A lot of Indians assumed Orwell was some sort of agent provocateur or secret policeman because he wrote utter nonsense. 


There follows an attack on literary fashion. Orwell, a thirty-seven-year-old patriarch, tells us that ‘when one says that a writer is fashionable one practically always means that he is admired by people under thirty.’ At first he picks easy targets – A. E. Housman’s ‘roselipt maidens’

boys who suck cock 

and Rupert Brooke’s ‘Grantchester’ (‘a sort of accumulated vomit from a stomach stuffed with place-names’).

not wholly a sodomite. He swung both ways. It would be fair to say that their poems would have benefitted from more graphic depictions of red hot anal loving.  

But then the polemic is widened to include ‘the movement’, the politically committed generation of Auden and Spender and MacNeice. ‘On the whole,’ Orwell says, ‘the literary history of the thirties seems to justify the opinion that a writer does well to keep out of politics.’

Churchill did very well out of literature in the Thirties.     

It is true he scores some points, as when he indicates the bourgeois, boarding-school origins of just about all these literary radicals,

Like whom? 'Red' Ellen Wilkinson? Atlee made her his Minister of Education. Orwell was writing about shitheads who couldn't get elected rat-catcher. 

or when he connects the popularity of Communism among British intellectuals

Ellen was an actual Commie. British 'intellectuals' were stupid and useless.  

to the general middle-class disillusion with all traditional values: ‘Patriotism, religion, the Empire, the family, the sanctity of marriage, the Old School Tie, birth, breeding, honour, discipline – anyone of ordinary education could turn the whole lot of them inside out in three minutes.’

So could cats- if they could be bothered. 

In this vacuum of ideology, he suggests, there was still ‘the need for something to believe in,’ and Stalinist Communism ‘filled the void.’

Coz being an 'Empire Loyalist' was even sillier. Rushdie misses a trick by not mentioning Orwell's previous career in the Indian Imperial Police.  

But he distorts, too. For instance, he flays Auden for one line in the poem ‘Spain’, the one about ‘the conscious acceptance of guilt in the necessary murder…. It could only be written,’ Orwell writes, ‘by a person to whom murder is at most a word. Personally, I would not speak so lightly of murder.’

Coz Orwell was actually Jack the fucking Ripper. Auden was a limp wristed Nancy boy. 

Orwell’s accusation is that the line reveals Auden’s casualness – a politically motivated casualness – towards human life. Actually, it does nothing of the sort. The deaths referred to are those of people in war. The dying of soldiers is all too often spoken of in euphemisms: ‘sacrifice’, ‘martyrdom’, ‘fall’, and so forth. Auden has the courage to say that these killings are murders; and that if you are a combatant in a war, you accept the necessity of murders in the service of your cause. His willingness to grasp this nettle is not inhuman, but humanizing. Orwell, trying to prove the theory that political commitment distorts an artist’s vision, has lost his own habitual clear-sightedness instead.

What clear-sightedness? The man had shit for brains.  

Returning to Henry Miller, Orwell takes up and extends Miller’s comparison of Anaïs Nin to Jonah in the whale’s belly. ‘The whale’s belly is simply a womb big enough for an adult…a storm that would sink all the battleships in the world would hardly reach you as an echo…. Miller himself is inside the whale…a willing Jonah…. He feels no impulse to alter or control the process that he is undergoing. He has performed the essential Jonah act of allowing himself to be swallowed, remaining passive, accepting. It will be seen what this amounts to. It is a species of quietism.’

Anais wasn't preaching the Gospel of Sex in Miller's manner. He suspected she might be a bit of an artist. I suppose she was. At any rate, she actually fucked her Daddy.  


And at the end of this curious essay, Orwell – who began by describing writers who ignored contemporary reality as ‘usually footlers or plain idiots’ – embraces and espouses this quietist philosophy, this cetacean version of Pangloss’s exhortation to cultiver notre jardin. ‘Progress and reaction,’ Orwell concludes, ‘have both turned out to be swindles. Seemingly there is nothing left but quietism – robbing reality of its terrors by simply submitting to it. Get inside the whale – or rather, admit you are inside the whale (for you are, of course). Give yourself over to the world-process…simply accept it, endure it, record it. That seems to be the formula that any sensitive novelist is now likely to adopt.’

Graham Greene & Evelyn Waugh were doing well. Orwell too did produce two readable books.  

The sensitive novelist’s reasons are to be found in the essay’s last sentence, in which Orwell speaks of ‘the impossibility of any major literature until the world has shaken itself into its new shape.’

I suppose, Orwell & Greene & Waugh were minor masters.  

And we are told that fatalism is a quality of Indian thought.

Muslim thought. Hindus have reincarnation.  

It is impossible not to include in any response to ‘Inside the Whale’ the suggestion that Orwell’s argument is much impaired by his choice, for a quietist model, of Henry Miller. In the forty-four years since the essay was first published, Miller’s reputation has more or less completely evaporated, and he now looks to be very little more than the happy pornographer beneath whose scatological surface Orwell saw such improbable depths. If we, in 1984, are asked to choose between, on the one hand, the Miller of Tropic of Cancer and ‘the first hundred pages of Black Spring’ and, on the other, the collected works of Auden, MacNeice and Spender, I doubt that many of us would go for old Henry.

Nobody would go for Spender. Auden & MacNeice have a couple of memorable poems. Miller did influence Durrell- who was born in India but, quite rightly, avoided writing about that boring shithole.  

So it would appear that politically committed art can actually prove more durable than messages from the stomach of the fish.

There are no such messages. Nin's porn is effective. That's all that matters.  

It would also be wrong to go any further without discussing the senses in which Orwell uses the term ‘polities’.

Stupid senses. He isn't talking about the boring business of solving collective action problems.  

Six years after ‘Inside the Whale’, in the essay ‘Politics and the English Language’ (1946), he wrote: ‘In our age there is no such thing as “keeping out of politics”. All issues are political issues, and politics itself is a mass of lies, evasions, folly, hatred and schizophrenia.’

Politics was about stuff like setting up a National Health Service. It wasn't about saying boo to Capitalism. 


For a man as truthful, direct, intelligent, passionate and sane as Orwell,

i.e. a stupid, crazy, paranoid liar 

‘politics’ had come to represent the antithesis of his own worldview. It was an underworld-become-overworld Hell on earth.

Fortunately, the shithead died soon afterwards. Sadly, Hell isn't a real thing. 

‘Politics’ was a portmanteau term

Nope. A portmanteau term is created out of two different words- e.g. smoke plus fog becomes smog.  

which included everything he hated; no wonder he wanted to keep it out of literature.

He didn't. He just didn't know anything about it.  


I cannot resist the idea that Orwell’s intellect and finally his spirit, too, were broken by the horrors of the age in which he lived,

that of Stanley Baldwin? 

the age of Hitler and Stalin (and, to be fair, by the ill health of his later years).

He didn't live in Germany or Russia.  

Faced with the overwhelming evils of exterminations and purges and fire-bombings,

He did face the Blitz & did his bit- however shit- for King & Country.  

and all the appalling manifestations of politics-gone-wild, he turned his talents to the business of constructing and also of justifying an escape route. Hence his notion of the ordinary man as victim, and therefore of passivity as the literary stance closest to that of the ordinary man.

Orwell knew his Bible. He got that Jonah was deeply disappointed when God decided not to destroy Nineveh. He himself had wasted his life criticising a system which could reform itself easily enough.  

He is using this type of logic as a means of building a path back to the womb, into the whale and away from the thunder of war.

He really isn't. Still, he gets that sex is a good thing. Proles want more sex. The solution is improved condoms.  

This looks very like the plan of a man who has given up the struggle.

Orwell wrote a shitty essay. So what?  

Even though he knows that ‘there is no such thing as “keeping out of politics”,’ he attempts the construction of a mechanism with just that purpose.

Nope. He tried to enlist when war was declared but his health was too poor. So he joined the Home Guard & worked for the Beeb doing propaganda aimed at India. A patriot albeit a stupid one. 

Sit it out, he recommends; we writers will be safe inside the whale, until the storm dies down. I do not presume to blame him for adopting this position. He lived in the worst of times.

He lived through Britain's finest hour.  

But it is important to dispute his conclusions, because a philosophy built on an intellectual defeat must always be rebuilt at a later point.

Rushdie is too stupid to build shite.  

And undoubtedly Orwell did give way to a kind of defeatism and despair. By the time he wrote Nineteen Eighty-Four, sick and cloistered on Jura, he had plainly come to think that resistance was useless. Winston Smith considers himself a dead man from the moment he rebels. The secret book of the dissidents turns out to have been written by the Thought Police. All protest must end in Room 101. In an age when it often appears that we have all agreed to believe in entropy, in the proposition that things fall apart, that history is the irreversible process by which everything gradually gets worse, the unrelieved pessimism of Nineteen Eighty-Four goes some way towards explaining the book’s status as a true myth of our times.

Nope. It is a reminder that 'it really can't happen here'- unless, obviously, stupid Pakistanis demographically replace the English.  


What is more (and this connects the year’s parallel phenomena of Empire-revivalism and Orwellmania), the quietist option, the exhortation to submit to events, is an intrinsically conservative one.

No. Rolling back stupid Left/Liberal shite is the Tory option.  

When intellectuals and artists withdraw

Nobody notices. 

from the fray, politicians feel safer.

If the only thing they need to worry about is artists or intellectuals then they are entirely safe. 

Once, the right and left in Britain used to argue about which of them ‘owned’ Orwell.

Sodomised him? That was a thing?  

In those days both sides wanted him; and, as Raymond Williams has said, the tug-of-war did his memory little honour. I have no wish to reopen these old hostilities;

coz everybody would pound your ass? 

but the truth cannot be avoided, and the truth is that passivity always serves the interests of the status quo, of the people already at the top of the heap, and the Orwell of ‘Inside the Whale’ and Nineteen Eighty-Four is advocating ideas that can only be of service to our masters.

Or mistresses. Rushdie's made him eat her shit. He keeps quiet about it for understandable reasons.  

If resistance is useless, those whom one might otherwise resist become omnipotent.

No. Their power does not increase. They just don't have to use it on useless people. 

It is much easier to find common ground with Orwell when he comes to discuss the relationship between politics and language.

Only if you have shit for brains. Politics is about collective action problems. It has a mathematical representation. Propaganda isn't politics. It is either marketing or mania.  

The discoverer of Newspeak was

wrong. Math matters. Language doesn't.  

aware that ‘when the general (political) atmosphere is bad, language must suffer.’

Because stupid shitheads think language matters. It doesn't.  

In ‘Politics and the English Language’ he gives us a series of telling examples of the perversion of meaning for political purposes.

He was perverting language not for a political but a polemical- and paranoid- purpose. Had the English listened to the cunt, they wouldn't have set up a National Health Service because they would have said 'there is no such thing as a British Nation' & 'Illness is not Health' & 'Dictatorship is not Service'. As Churchill said, Labour is setting up a Gestapo State with 'Death Panels' staffed by GPs. 

‘Statements like Marshal Pétain was a true patriot, The Soviet Press is the freest in the world, The Catholic Church is opposed to persecution are almost always made with intent to deceive,’ he writes.

Also, when people say 'Hello' what they really mean is 'Go to Hell!'  

He also provides beautiful parodies of politicians’ metaphor-mixing: ‘The Fascist octopus has sung its swan song, the jackboot is thrown into the melting pot.’
Nobody gives a fuck about such things because language doesn't matter at all. Orwell said 'if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought'. He may as well have said 'if thought can fellate language, language can also sodomize thought while taking a dump on the tits of Hope.' 
Recently, I came across a worthy descendant of these grand old howlers: The Times, reporting the smuggling of classified documents out of Civil Service departments, referred to the increased frequency of ‘leaks’ from ‘a high-level mole’.

Nothing wrong with that. A mole is a guy with a different allegiance. He reveals classified information for some purpose of his own. 

It’s odd, though, that the author of Animal Farm, the creator of so much of the vocabulary through which we now comprehend these distortions – doublethink, thoughtcrime, and the rest – should have been unwilling to concede that literature was best able to defend language, to do battle with the twisters, precisely by entering the political arena.

He was stupid, not utterly mad. The political arena is about making the NHS work better. It isn't about defending Language from anal rape by Thought who is also shitting on the tits of Hope.  

The writers of Group 47 in post-war Germany – Grass, Böll and the rest,

were shit.  

with their ‘rubble literature’, whose purpose and great achievement was to rebuild the German language from the rubble of Nazism

It remained what it was though, no doubt, it changed under the influence of the occupying powers.  

– are prime instances of this power. So, in quite another way, is a writer like Joseph Heller. In Good as Gold the character of the Presidential aide Ralph provides Heller with some superb satire at the expense of Washingtonspeak.

It was mediocre. Catch 22 is the only thing he will be remembered for.  

Ralph speaks in sentences that usually conclude by contradicting their beginnings: ‘This Administration will back you all the way until it has to.’ ‘This President doesn’t want yes-men. What we want are independent men of integrity who will agree with all our decisions after we make them.’

Come to think of it, Catch 22 isn't that good. Still, it was about something interesting- viz. the US Airforce in Italy during the Second World War.  

Every time Ralph opens his oxymoronic mouth he reveals the limitations of Orwell’s view of the interaction between literature and politics.

Orwell was a useless pile of shite. Still, he was a patriot & answered the call of King & Country. Adolescents like two of his novels. Why? They are short. They aren't subtlee.  

It is a view which excludes comedy, satire, deflation; because of course the writer need not always be the servant of some beetle-browed ideology. He can also be its critic, its antagonist, its scourge. From Swift to Solzhenitsyn, writers have

been useless. Swift, it must be said, wrote well.  

discharged this role with honour. And remember Napoleon the Pig.

Or don't. It makes no difference.  

Just as it is untrue that politics ruins literature (even among ‘ideological’ political writers, Orwell’s case would founder on the great rock of Pablo Neruda),

Neruda was shit. So was Allende. Also Pinochet. Still, Chile & Argentina have more than their fair share of literary talent.  

so it is by no means axiomatic that the ‘ordinary man’, I’homme moyen sensuel, is politically passive.

Nothing is axiomatic.  

We have seen that the myth of this inert commoner was a part of Orwell’s logic of retreat;

We really haven't. He wrote a silly essay about some shithead. Nobody cared.  

but it is nevertheless worth reminding ourselves of just a few instances in which the ‘ordinary man’ – not to mention the ‘ordinary woman’ – has been anything but inactive.

Sadly, ordinary Pakistanis weren't able to kick Rushdie's head in & claim lots of money from the Iranians for performing this service to Islam.  

We may not approve of Khomeini’s Iran, but the revolution there was a genuine mass movement.

It was shit.  

So is the revolution in Nicaragua.

See above.  

And so, let us not forget, was the Indian revolution.

There was no such thing. Some Commies wagged their tail. They were beaten into submission quickly enough.  

I wonder if independence would have arrived in 1947 if the masses, ignoring Congress and Muslim League, had remained seated inside what would have had to be a very large whale indeed.

Even Sri Lanka got it. The Imperial game was not worth the financial candle.  


The truth is that there is no whale. We live in a world without hiding places;

Rushdie hid very successfully from Iran & other irate Muslims.  

the missiles have made sure of that.

This shithead hadn't heard of fall-out shelters. Didn't he watch Dr. Strangelove?  

However much we may wish to return to the womb,

Nobody wants that 

we cannot be unborn.

We can die. That's good enough.  

So we are left with a fairly straightforward choice. Either

be sensible & treat politics as having to do with collective action problems or 

we agree to delude ourselves, to lose ourselves in the fantasy of the great fish

Nobody does that. Jonah is inauspicious. That's why the sailors want to dump him in the Ocean.  

– for which a second metaphor is that of Pangloss’s garden

They are wholly unrelated. Johah spent three nights & days praying & repenting in the belly of the whale. Pangloss doesn't have a garden. He is a Liebnizian. Candide rejects his philosophy & decides to do something useful- viz. cultivate his garden. Rushdie was incapable of understanding anything he read.  

and for which a third would be the position adopted by the ostrich in time of danger;

Ostriches don't really stick their head in the sand. They'd have gone instinct had such been the case.  

or we can do what all human beings do instinctively when they realize that the womb has been lost for ever: we can make the very devil of a racket.

Rushdie is talking of babies. But non-babies don't soil themselves & scream their lungs out.  

Certainly, when we cry, we cry partly for the safety we have lost; but we also cry to affirm ourselves, to say, here I am, I matter, too – you’re going to have to reckon with me. So, in place of Jonah’s womb,

where he did 'tawbah'- i.e. repentance 

I am recommending the ancient tradition of making as big a fuss, as noisy a complaint about the world as is humanly possible.

Rushdie screamed his tits off. Then he went into hiding.  

Where Orwell wished quietism, let there be rowdyism; in place of the whale, the protesting wail. If we can cease envisaging ourselves as metaphorical foetuses, and substitute the image of a newborn child, then that will be at least a small intellectual advance. In time, perhaps, we may even learn to toddle.

Rushdie did toddle off to America. Sadly, he got stabbed there probably because he was wailing or soiling himself in some manner which attracted attention. 

I must make one thing plain. I am not saying that all literature must now be of this protesting, noisy type. Perish the thought; now that we are babies fresh from the womb, we must find it possible to laugh and wonder as well as rage and weep. I have no wish to nail myself, let alone anyone else, to the tree of political literature for the rest of my writing life.

Geture-political. The big Pakistani baby made a ruckus but then had to run away and hide after the Ayatollah heard of him.  

Lewis Carroll and Italo Calvino are as important to literature as Swift or Brecht.

Carroll & Swift wrote good English. They matter to English speakers. Calvino & Brecht were shite.  

What I am saying is that politics and literature, like sport and politics, do mix, are inextricably mixed, and that that mixture has consequences.

For Jeffry Archer- sure. For Rushdie- not so much.  


The modern world lacks not only hiding places,

says a dude famous for hiding 

but certainties. There is no consensus about reality between, for example, the nations of the North and of the South. What President Reagan says is happening in Central America differs so radically from, say, the Sandinista version that there is almost no common ground.

Dubya & the Donald make Reagan look like Mary fucking Poppins. Rushdie migrated to New York, not Nicaragua.  

It becomes necessary to take sides, to say whether or not one thinks of Nicaragua as the United States’ ‘front yard’. (Vietnam, you will recall, was the ‘back yard’.)

Rushdie preferred to have an American front & back yard though, no doubt, an apartment is lower maintenance. 

It seems to me imperative that literature enter such arguments, because what is being disputed is nothing less than what is the case, what is truth and what untruth.

That's stuff economists & journalists are better at keeping track of.  

If writers leave the business of making pictures of the world to politicians, it will be one of history’s great and most abject abdications.

It will make no fucking difference whatsoever.  

Outside the whale is

dry land- which is where Jonah gets to after he has repented.  

the unceasing storm, the continual quarrel, the dialectic of history.

which, Marx tells us, is economic not literary.  

Outside the whale there is a genuine need for political fiction,

There really isn't. Entertainment is all we ask for.  

for books that draw new and better maps of reality, and make new languages with which we can understand the world.

Rushdie couldn't understand shit.  

Outside the whale we see that we are all irradiated by history,

No. Economics is ergodic. History really doesn't matter. Those who do not learn from it are condemned to teach it or gas on about it because that's how they can make a little money. 

we are radioactive with history and politics; we see that it can be as false to create a politics-free fictional universe as to create one in which nobody needs to work or eat or hate or love or sleep.

No. Politics-free fictional universes can be entertaining. That's all that matters. 

Outside the whale it becomes necessary, and even exhilarating, to grapple with the special problems created by the incorporation of political material, because politics is by turns farce and tragedy, and sometimes (e.g. Zia’s Pakistan) both at once.

Pakistan was actually less of a shitshow than Khalqi, Commie, Afghanistan. Indeed, it compared favourably with Iran.  

Outside the whale the writer is obliged to accept that he (or she) is part of the crowd, part of the ocean, part of the storm, so that objectivity becomes a great dream, like perfection, an unattainable goal for which one must struggle in spite of the impossibility of success.

Fuck off! You can be like PG Woodhouse or Agatha Christie or J.R Tolkein. Alternatively, you can be a prancing ninny like Rushdie.  

Outside the whale is the world of Samuel Beckett’s famous formula: I can’t go on, I’ll go on.

Fuck Beckett. Bugs Bunny is the way to go.  

This is why (to end where I began) it really is necessary to make a fuss about Raj fiction and the zombie-like revival of the defunct Empire.

It must be said, Lapierre & Collins's 'Freedom at Midnight' made Indian Independence sexy. But, it was no such thing. It was as boring as shit.  

The various films and TV shows and books I discussed earlier propagate a number of notions about history which must be quarrelled with, as loudly and as embarrassingly as possible.

Rushdie was soiling himself as he wrote this.  

These include: the idea that non-violence makes successful revolutions;

The Glorious Revolution, in England, featured no violence. Norway separated from Sweden without violence. After the Armistice, there were peaceful revolutions in most German states though, no doubt, in Bavaria, things subsequently turned violent. 

the peculiar notion that Kasturba Gandhi could have confided the secrets of her sex-life to Margaret Bourke-White;

there were no secrets. Her hubby had told everybody he'd given up sex. Nobody thought she'd taken a lover.  

the bizarre implication that any Indians could look or speak like Amy Irving or Christopher Lee;

The Pakistanis, bizarrely, chose Count Dracula to play Jinnah in the movie they financed. 

the view (which underlies many of these works) that the British and Indians actually understood each other jolly well, and that the end of the Empire was a sort of gentlemen’s agreement between old pals at the club;

Nehru really was an old pal of Cripps. Atlee came to stay and showed Nehru Labour's plan for India. It was everything Nehru wanted. This happened in 1938.  

the revisionist theory – see David Lean’s interviews – that we, the British, weren’t as bad as people make out;

VS Naipaul quoted Santayana 'the world never had sweeter masters'. But Niradh Chaudhuri was more adulatory.  

the calumny, to which the use of rape-plots lends credence, that frail English roses were in constant sexual danger from lust-crazed wogs (just such a fear lay behind General Dyer’s Amritsar massacre);

frail Indian lotuses were in greater danger.  

and, above all, the fantasy that the British Empire represented something ‘noble’ or ‘great’ about Britain;

It was great that Britain made a profit on it. It was noble of Churchill & Co. to protect it from the Japs.  

that it was, in spite of all its flaws and meannesses and bigotries, fundamentally glamorous.

Okay. That's stretching things. The place was bureaucratic & as boring as fuck.  

If books and films could be made and consumed in the belly of the whale, it might be possible to consider them merely as entertainment, or even, on occasion, as art.

Films made by Hollywood studios were pretty good. So were novels churned out by nice English ladies who had families to feed.  

But in our whaleless world, in this world without quiet corners, there can be no easy escapes from history, from hullabaloo, from terrible, unquiet fuss.

Rushdie's world featured 'safe spaces', on Ivy League campuses, for post-colonial shitheads like himself. He aimed for something better for himself but then had to go into hiding. He may have lost an eye but he has the satisfaction of having lived to see his country bomb the shit out of Iran.