Showing posts with label Teltumbde. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Teltumbde. Show all posts

Tuesday, 3 February 2026

Teltumbde telling lies about Godse



Ambedkarite politics is based on hatred of Brahmins (though Ambedkar's second wife was Brahmin). Their political program was based on Churchill's speech 'our duty in India' given in March of 1931 which insisted that 'Gandhi stands for the substitution of Brahmin domination for British rule in India.' Churchill believed Gandhi to be a charlatan or a simpleton who had been given command of the Congress only so as to pull the wool over the eyes of the British, the Muslims & the 'depressed classes'. Churchill said 'Already Nehru, his young rival in the Indian Congress, is preparing to supersede him the moment that he has squeezed his last drop from the British lemon'. 

Nehru was aware of Churchill's views. He saw that 'federation', which Churchill championed, would leave the Brits in charge and thus became the strongest voice for a unitary India- a fact which Rahul doesn't seem to understand. Interestingly, in his Autobiography, he called for the 'Brahminization' (as opposed to Baniaization) of India. Gandhi was a bania- i.e. a businessman just as the Brits were a 'nation of shopkeepers'. 

Churchill's intellectual heirs are firstly the Pakistanis- who embrace the two nation theory that he propounded. Secondly, the DMK in Tamil Nadu which is the successor of the 'Justice Party' and which holds 'sanatan dharma' as anathema. Thirdly, we have the Ambedkarites. Indeed, Ambedkar himself welcomed the killing of the Mahatma. At the time, he wrote as follows in a private letter- 

 "My own view is that great men are of great service to their country, but they are also at certain times a great hindrance to the progress of the country. Mr Gandhi had become a positive danger to this country," 

"He had choked all the thoughts. He was holding together the Congress which is a combination of all the bad and self-seeking elements in society

this is precisely the gravamen of Churchill's 1931 speech. His own Tory colleagues thought he was mad. Brahmins couldn't be uniquely evil. If there were corrupt and cowardly Brahmins, the same could be said of every other community.  

who agreed on no social or moral principle governing the life of society except the one of praising and flattering Mr Gandhi. Such a body is unfit to govern a country," 

Idolatry of Ambedkar or Periyar, on the other hand, is perfectly fine.  

"As the Bible says that sometimes good cometh out of evil, so also I think good will come out of the death of Mr Gandhi. It will release people from bondage to supermen, it will make them think for themselves and compel them to stand on their own merits," 

Sadly Ambedkar & his pal J.N Mandal (who was Jinnah's law minister) had no merit. Mandal had to run away to India. Ambedkar couldn't get elected to Parliament. Without the Brits to prop them up, they collapsed. 

Anand Teltumbde is married to a grand-daughter of Ambedkar. He writes in 'the Wire'-  

Reflections on the Murder of Gandhi and the State of India

Gandhi’s murder cannot be viewed merely as an event of the past.

Nor can the pogrom carried out against Brahmins in Pune by the Congress party.  

It marked the beginning of an ongoing project.

As did the killing of two other people with the surname 'Gandhi'.  

January 30, 1948 was not an end; it was the first shot in a long war against pluralism,

the country had been partitioned. Pluralism was dead in the water. Ambedkar may have dismissed his contribution to the Constitution as 'hack work' but, the fact remains, the Constitution is unitary and it stripped Muslims of any type of affirmative action (e.g. such as had been given to Muslim Dalits by the 1935 GoI Act)  

secularism,

Cow protection is a Directive Principle 

and constitutional democracy in India.

The Constitution creates a unitary State with an overmighty Centre. Moreover, it permits its own suspension as Mrs. Gandhi's opponents discovered during the Emergency.  


Reflections on the Murder of Gandhi and the State of India

Seventy-seven years ago, on January 30, 1948, three bullets struck down Mahatma Gandhi at a prayer meeting in Birla House. The gunman, Nathuram Godse, was a Chitpavan Brahmin from Pune.

The previous assassination attempt was made by a Punjabi refugee some of whose family had been massacred by Muslim mobs. He was angry that Gandhi was saying the refugees should go back while Muslims who had fled should be allowed to return.  

It was however no simple act of homicide. It was the Brahminical ideology

Madanlal Pahwa was Khatri 

that sought to exterminate Gandhi’s plural, inclusive vision of India

which had already been exterminated by Jinnah 

as an obstacle to a project of Hindu supremacy

established by Nehru & Indira  

and a nostalgic yearning for a restored Peshwai order.

This is the crux of the matter. Ambedkar had got it into his head that the Peshwas had discriminated against his community. This was the line that British officials were pushing in the Nineteenth century. Gokhale must be just as bad as Tilak because both are Chitpavan. But the founders of the RSS weren't Chitpavan.  

The assassin did not act in isolation. He was backed by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

No. The RSS wasn't stupid or crazy. Killing Gandhi was foolish. If it must be done, get a Muslim to do it.  

and the Hindu Mahasabha, and blessed by V. D. Savarkar

who had suffered so much when in prison that he wasn't quite sane

the father of Hindutva.

He only adopted it after the War when it became obvious that the Brits were on the way out. The question was whether they could leave India weak by creating an artificial coalition of Muslims, Dalits, Dravidians & the Princes as a check to the Hindu majority. Thanks to Nehru, the answer was no.  

After the assassination, the RSS sought to distance itself from Godse. But historians like D.N. Jha

who was so shit at history that he said there was never any temple at the Ram Janambhumi.  

demolished that claim.

By lying.  

In his memoir, Godse’s brother Gopal Godse himself confessed that all the Godse brothers had been associated with the RSS at the time of the murder.

They were also associated with the King Emperor because, in law, they were his subjects. OMG! King killed Gandhi!  

Public anger followed reports that RSS members had celebrated the murder by distributing sweets in parts of Maharashtra provoked public attacks on Brahmin houses at many places. 

Distribution of sweets should be banned. It provokes 'public attacks'. Jews were distributing sweets in Poland. That is why Hitler was provoked into attacking that country.  

Ideological disposition

The historical disposition of Brahminical ideology has been to secure and preserve supremacy over the religio-social and cultural order,

So, Churchill was right! Indian 'freedom struggle' was actually a cunning Brahmin plot! Ambedkar should be praised for serving the Brits. Jagjivan Ram should be castigated for going to jail.  

rather than to exercise political power directly. Within the varna hierarchy, rulers who wielded temporal authority were placed below Brahmins, their legitimacy dependent on rituals, codes, and moral sanction controlled by them.

Very true. Brahmin priests controlled British & Muslim rulers.  

This deeply entrenched hierarchy shaped Brahminical attitudes towards political power, particularly when external forces entered the subcontinent. As a social group, Brahmins were rarely opposed to being ruled by outsiders;

Peshwa didn't fight the British. He distributed sweets. That provoked the Brits to attack him.  

instead, they tended to accommodate and even support the dominant power, provided it guaranteed the preservation of their social hegemony.

Very true. Brahmins in Pakistan supported Muslim League. J.N Mandal was actually a Brahmin.  

There is no sustained historical instance of Brahmins as a community organising resistance to an external ruling power merely on the grounds of foreignness.

Just as there is no historical instance of Ambedkarites telling the truth.  

Even under Muslim rule – so relentlessly vilified in contemporary Hindutva discourse – Brahmin elites adapted, served as advisers, administrators, and intellectual intermediaries, and secured their privileged position within the social order. This pattern repeated itself under British rule.

Smart people do well. Ambedkar did well. His Brahmin wife must have been controlling him.  

The only moment of collective Brahminical rage was provoked not by colonial domination per se, but by the defeat of the Peshwai in Pune – the singular historical instance of direct Brahmin political sovereignty.

Because Brahmins were seldom Kings. This proves they must have been controlling Kings- more particularly British Emperors of India.  

The subsequent rebellions, including participation in the events of 1857 (later romanticised by Savarkar as the “First War of Independence”), were driven less by a universal anti-colonial vision than by the desire to restore lost Brahmin rule.

Mangal Pandey was a Brahmin. Thus, he was very evil.  

Even here, the acceptance of Bahadur Shah Zafar’s nominal leadership illustrates a familiar strategic flexibility: political alliances were negotiable, so long as the deeper structure of social dominance could ultimately be reclaimed.

Did you know Brahmins are dominating Pakistan? Field Marshall Munir is secretly wearing janeo.  


Birth of Hindu consolidation

In Indian history, most external groups that entered the subcontinent eventually settled, assimilated, and made India their home.

Unless like Nadir or Abdali, they were content to simply loot it and then withdraw- no doubt, because they were secretly wearing janeo.  

The British – and other Europeans – were different. They arrived as merchant capitalists, captured political power to secure commercial interests, and never intended permanent cultural integration.

A.O Hume, founder of the Congress party, was a vegetarian Vedantist advocated cow protection on agronomic grounds. 

This distinction mattered.

The Brits didn't want to lose power to a miscegenated Creole caste.  

For Brahminical elites, the real historical disruption had come earlier from large-scale conversions of marginalised castes to Islam,

plenty of Brahmins converted to Islam. Iqbal was related to Sapru. Incidentally, Acharya Kripalani's elder brother had become a Muslim.  

which weakened their demographic and cultural monopoly. Islamic civilisation posed a sustained challenge to their authority, creating a deep, if often tacit, resentment toward Muslim rule.

Why did J.N Mandal run away from Pakistan? Do Dalits in that country not feel any resentment to 'Muslim rule'?  

When the British defeated the Muslim powers, they were naturally happy.

As were Dalits.  

The British, unlike earlier rulers, were expected eventually to depart. By the mid-nineteenth century, it became clear that preparations had to begin for reclaiming political authority by exterminating Muslims as the competitors.

By contrast, Muslims never dreamed of re-establishing a Caliphate.  

This shift is traceable to eastern Bengal,

which is where J.N Mandal came from. He got the Namasudras in Sylhet to vote for joining Pakistan. They soon had to run away from there.  

where Brahminical elites felt threatened by Muslim numerical strength and by colonial policies that empowered Muslim peasantry.

Tagore warned his people not to cut their own throats by supporting the Freedom struggle. 

Religion was increasingly mobilised to consolidate Hindu identity against the “Muslim other.”

While J.N Mandal was mobilizing Dalits to vote for the Muslim brother. But he soon had to run away.  


The intellectual fountainhead of this turn was Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay (1838–1894). In his later novels – Anandamath, Devi Chaudhurani, and Sitaram – Bankim articulated a vision that cast Muslim rule as civilisational darkness and imagined Hindu regeneration through militant unity.

Meanwhile, plenty of Muslims were talking of killing kaffirs the way God commanded us to do. 

Anandamath (1882) depicted Hindu ascetics rising violently against Muslim authority and introduced Vande Mataram, equating the nation with Hindu goddess imagery, implicitly excluding Muslims and Christians from the imagined community.

Ambedkarites think Hindus are very evil for not wanting to live under Muslim rule. But, J.N Mandal- Ambedkar's most important ally- had to run away from such rule.  

Bankim’s project was clearly anti-Muslim.

Because Muslims are against kaffirs.  

British rule was portrayed as a one that had ended Muslim dominance and thus as benefactor.

This is also what Raja Ram Mohan Roy & Dwarkanath Tagore thought. But the Peshwai regime disagreed.  

Thinkers such as Ahmed Sofa

who wasn't actually a Sofa 

later observed that Bankim was among the first to articulate the dream of a Hindu Rashtra.

He himself supported the dream of a Bengali Muslim Rashtra.  

Organisationally, this vision was seeded through movements like the Hindu Mela of 1867, led by figures such as Debendranath Tagore, Nabagopal Mitra, and Rajnarayan Basu.

The last two were Kayastha, not Brahmin.  

These gatherings, often described as “national,” were explicitly Hindu in character, defining Indian identity through religious symbolism and excluding Muslims from the cultural imagination. The ideological seed had been sown.

It is fair to say that Hinduism was the 'seed' of Indian nationalism. It is what holds the country together. That is why anti-nationals hate it. Yet, without a strong India, they too will suffer. Like J.N Mandal, they may have to run away to some place where kaffirs are protected.  


The birth and shaping of the RSS

Two Marathi Medical Students in Calcutta before the Great War were inspired by the 'Anushilan Samitis' of 'Jugantar'. Later on, Dr. Hardikar founded the Congress Seva Dal which his pal, Hegdewar, joined. When it appeared likely that the Seva Dal would be banned. Hegdewar founded the RSS. By then, communal riots had become widespread as local politicians jockeyed for power. 

Reform currents within Hindu society arose along two tracks: Western-educated reformers seeking modernisation,

i.e. Brahmo & Prarthana Samaj 

and orthodox revivalists seeking a return to scriptural “originals.”

Which was also the claim of the Brahmos & Prarthana Samajis.  

The most influential of the latter was the Arya Samaj, founded by Dayanand Saraswati, a Gujarati whose movement found its strongest base in Punjab.

Arya Samaj is anti-casteist. Its leaders belong to different castes.  Since Indian Arya Samajis are patriots of India (just as British Arya Samajis are British patriots) they are very evil. 

After his death in 1883, its followers decided to establish Hindu Sabhas, culminating in the foundation of Punjab Hindu Sabha on December 16, 1906 under leaders such as Lal Chand,

a Khatri 

U.N. Mukerji,

Bengali Brahmin 

and Lala Lajpat Rai.

from a Jain Agrawal family. 

This consolidation of Hindu organisational politics was mirrored among Muslims. On December 30, 1906, Muslim elites gathered in Dhaka to found the All-India Muslim League under figures including Khwaja Salimullah, Aga Khan III, and Hakim Ajmal Khan, to articulate Muslim socio-economic and political concerns.

It had predecessors in the 1880s.  

While the Muslim League evolved into a political counterweight to the Congress – widely seen as the majority organisation – the Hindu Mahasabha made little headway beyond a largely upper-caste constituency.

It decided to follow an appeasement strategy in 1916. That is why it promoted Motilal Nehru & Mahatma Gandhi.  

In the interwar years, the rise of fascism in Italy under Benito Mussolini impressed sections of India’s right wing.

Mussolini impressed Gandhi, Tagore, Iqbal & Bose.  

Marathi journals associated with Bal Gangadhar Tilak praised European nationalist icons such as Giuseppe Mazzini. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and his brother Ganesh had earlier founded Abhinav Bharat, inspired by Mazzini’s Young Italy. Though Savarkar once influenced revolutionary circles in England, his incarceration in the Cellular Jail marked a turn: he submitted mercy petitions to the British

because a lot of other prisoners were given an amnesty. The fact is, the Brits had conceded the principle of transfer of power. The only question was whether Hindus would be masters in their own house. Gandhi only had salience when it appeared that he could deliver a united India strong enough to protect minorities if not its own borders (because the Royal Navy would remain necessary till India built up its own fleet. The first Indian admiral was only appointed in 1958.) 

and later articulated Hindutva as a political doctrine for Hindu consolidation.

Hindutva is ecumenical and anti-casteist. Since this is good for India, it is very evil.  

B.S. Moonje,

a Doctor who had seen service in the Boer war. 

a Savarkar associate

a Tilak associate. The Savarkars were junior to him.  

and mentor to K.B. Hedgewar,

and Hardikar 

the founder of the RSS drew organisational lessons from Mussolini’s youth brigades

No. He was imitating what his pal Hardikar had already done at the end of 1923. There may have been a member of the Seva Dal committee who had returned from Italy and who knew about the Black Shirts. However, the inspiration for Seva Dal was Bengal's 'Anushilan Samitis' from before the Great War. I should mention that all the nationalists of the period paid reverence to Sri Aurobindo who was in exile in Pondicherry.  

and shaped RSS as a secretive militant organisation.

A voluntary organization which is a cross between the Boy Scouts & the Rotarians.  

The RSS, from its inception, kept itself aloof from the anti-colonial struggle.

It was an over-ground 'social' organization which, it was hoped, would not be banned when the Seva Dal was banned. Nehru was an enthusiastic member of the Seva Sal.  

Myths and falsehoods

Stupid myths and falsehoods are Teltumbde's stock in trade.  

The Hindutva movement is deliberately founded on the myths and falsehoods.

It is founded on the vision of a Hinduism purged of hereditary distinctions of caste and sectarian squabbles about dogma. Since it is good for India, anti-nationals hate it.  

It follows the Goebbelsian dictum that “If you repeat a lie often enough, people will believe it, and you will even come to believe it yourself.,”

That is the Ambedkarite stock in trade. The problem is that repeating stupid lies causes people to think you are a stupid liar. Nobody cares if you rot in jail.  

The propaganda machine assumes bigger importance in this than the truth. The RSS followed this dictum in its tenacious spread.

No. It followed the dictum that if you are part of a voluntary organization, then you need to be polite and to behave decently. It is this ingrained habit which has helped RSS pracharaks to rise. Other Sangh Parivar outfits may lack this organizational ethos.  

At his trial, Nathuram Godse read a 92 page hand-written statement justifying killing of Gandhi. Each reason he cited rested on a selective or false reading of events.

Sadly, there was more truth in them than in any tome written by Teltumbde.  

Partition of India: Godse blamed Gandhi for “vivisecting” the nation.

Gandhi could have launched an agitation to prevent it. There is such a thing as 'command responsibility'.  

In fact, Gandhi opposed Partition to the end

by going on a fast? He would do that in order to get India to pay money to Pakistan despite ongoing hostilities. The truth is he didn't oppose Partition. It is a different matter that it saddened him.  

and held no executive authority;

yet he had been acclaimed by Govind Vallabh Pant, Premier of UP, as the Il Duce & Fuhrer of India'. He had command responsibility even if he held no legislative or executive office.  

the decision emerged from negotiations among the British, the Congress leadership, and the Muslim League amid spiralling communal violence.

Ambedkar supported Partition. So did his pal, J.N Mandal. But Mandal had to run away to India.  


“Muslim appeasement”: He claimed Gandhi “privileged Muslims over Hindus”,

true enough. He actually offered Jinnah the post of Prime Minister of a united India.  

citing Gandhi’s fasts and support for Hindustani.

India decided Godse, not Gandhi, was right. Hindi in Devanagari script is the official language.  

Those fasts in Calcutta and Delhi sought to stop retaliatory killings

they failed utterly.  

and restore civic peace for all citizens, while Hindustani was proposed as a bridge language in a deeply divided society.

India decided it didn't need no stinkin' bridge.  

Release of Rs 55 crores to Pakistan: Godse treated this as Gandhi’s betrayal.

It was. There's a good reason Congress did little to keep the Maha-crackpot safe.  

The transfer was a Cabinet decision honouring financial commitments made at Independence; Gandhi’s fast pressed for communal peace in Delhi,

this failed. The Muslim percentage of the population dropped from 33 to 5 percent. Nehru brought in a law to prevent Muslim refugees who had fled in panic from returning to India and reclaiming their property. 

not for overriding state policy.

State policy was right to override the Mahacrackpot.  

Non-violence (ahimsa): Godse argued that Gandhi’s creed weakened Hindus.

Gandhi, writing after the Second World War broke out, said Congress was the party of the High Caste Hindus. They were devotees of Ahimsa- i.e. shit at fighting. Thus the Brits should hand over the Army to Congress otherwise the Muslims & the Punjabis (regardless of creed) and perhaps also the Gurkhas, would take over the country. The anal cherries of the Dalits might be protected by the Ahimsa fairy, but, otherwise, the Hindus would be reduced to destitution and virtual enslavement. 

Godse was right to say that Gandhi's creed weakened Hindus. It also weakened India. If the majority won't fight, even the minorities are fucked.  

Gandhi’s non-violence was a mass political strategy against colonial rule and communal hatred,

which failed utterly the moment it was tried 

not a denial of a state’s right to maintain order or defend citizens.

Gandhi thought the Brits should hand over their country to Hitler. He didn't think the British state had a duty to fight.  


Undue influence on government:

Which was fucking obvious.  

Godse portrayed Gandhi’s moral authority and fasts as coercion outside democracy. Gandhi held no office; his interventions were appeals to conscience in moments of breakdown, not instruments of state power.

Those appeals stopped once he was shot. A nuisance had been curbed.  

Long before January 30, 1948, Gandhi had faced a string of threats and failed attempts by Hindu extremists. A bomb was hurled at his motorcade in Pune on June 25, 1934 during his Harijan tour against untouchability; in May and September 1944 at Panchgani and Sevagram, Nathuram Godse himself was stopped while trying to attack Gandhi with a dagger and released when Gandhi refused to press charges.

If this is true, then the Police should have kept Godse under observation. They have a duty to prevent crime irrespective of the target of the crime. The big question is why Morarji Desai, when informed of the wider conspiracy of which Pahwa was part, refused to take any action. Maybe he was simply stupid. Equally odd is the fact that Godse was caught by an American.  

In June 1946, boulders placed on a rail track near Nerul – Karjat derailed the train carrying him; a bomb planted at a Bombay venue in September 1946 exploded prematurely; and on January 20, 1948 a grenade was thrown at Birla House to create confusion for an assassination attempt that failed.

Pahwa was arrested. He had previously made a confession to a Sociology Professor who informed Desai. Yet, no action was taken. Why?  

This record predates both Partition and the Pakistan payment controversy, undercutting claims that these were the motive. The earliest attack was clearly against Gandhi’s anti-untouchability campaign after the Poona Pact, suggesting their Opposition to Gandhi’s social reform agenda and hatred for the Dalits.

It was the suggestion Gandhi himself made. Nobody believed him. The Poona Pact was based on Rajah-Moonje pact- i.e. it was seen as a smart move by the Hindutvadis.  

Rather, the Hindutva hostility toward Muslims, Christians, and Communists – articulated by M. S. Golwalkar – can also be read as reflecting

their virulent attacks on Hinduism?  

a deeper hatred for the lower strata of Hindu society, which formed the bulk of these targeted groups.

Sadly, it is the lower strata of Hindu society which attacks Dalits.  

Gandhi might seem an odd target for a Hindu assassin.

Which is why people didn't believe there were any such attempts. People assumed it would be a crazy Muslim who would get rid of the Mahacrackpot.  

He proclaimed himself a sanatani Hindu, invoked Ram Rajya, drew on bhajans and epics, and for much of his life accepted varna and even caste as moral ideas. What Godse and the Hindutva camp opposed was not Gandhi’s religiosity but the political use he made of it; his vision of inclusivity.

i.e. everybody, including the Brits, should do what he told them to do- e.g. surrender to Hitler.  

Using Hindu idiom to argue for coexistence and caste reform, he undercut the project of Hindu consolidation.

No. His one good idea was that Congress-wallahs should spend time in jail. This built esprit de corps and was good for Hindu consolidation. On the other hand, when rioting occurred, his financiers stepped in to make sure Hindu gangsters killed plenty of Muslims. Gandhi was cool with that. He said that he personally knew which Bihari Congressmen had killed innocent Muslims. Did he demand their suspension from the Party? Nope. As he said to Viceroy Wavell, if India wanted a blood-bath, let it have a blood-bath. The soldier was shocked by the callousness of the civilian.  

It was antithetical to Godse’s worldview: Gandhi blocked the idea of India as a Hindu nation, humanised Muslims amid communal fury, and redefined Hindu virtue away from revenge and dominance.

No. Gandhian administrations after 1937 alienated Muslims who complained of school-children having to sing 'Vande Mataram' etc.  

He was dangerous not because he was insufficiently Hindu, but because his moral politics hollowed out the case for Hindu majoritarianism.

He was a nuisance. Godse is praised for having curbed it. But he too was a nuisance and was hanged.  


The attitude returns: From Gandhi to Gauri

Although moral censure curbed its open expression, Hindutva ideology did not disappear; it

was the basis of the Congress party. Nehru succeeded in 'Brahminizing' India by using 'Socialism' to clip the wings of the mercantile and productive classes.  

receded and endured. Its subdued existence is reflected in the permission for Godse to read out his long justification for his crime though Justice Khosla was inclined to bar it as irrelevant.

It relevant. The danger was that rumours would spread that the actual assassin was a Muslim close to Nehru or something of that sort. 

Over decades, this current moved from the margins toward state power,

Lohia & JP had brought the Jan Sangh into the mainstream in the Sixties. The RSS played a big role in bringing down Indira in 1977.  

culminating in 2014 with a former RSS pracharak becoming the prime minister.

Vajpayee became a pracharak in 1947. He became PM in '97-98. 

In the run-up to the 2014 elections, a high-octane campaign backed by the RSS was launched against the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA)

Rahul had refused to become PM. Moreover, he wouldn't let anybody else take that job. Thus, it was a case of 'Modi or nobody.' Sadly, that remains the case today.  

II government on patently false alibi but it succeeded.

I suppose Teltumbde means 'allegations (not alibis) of corruption were false.' But, they were irrelevant. Rahul should have become PM saying he would root out corruption. He'd have won a majority before fucking up and getting shot or blown up like Daddy and Granny.  

The defeat of the Congress at the polls appeared certain. From 2013 onward, a grim pattern re-emerged: public intellectuals

whom nobody had heard of 

marked, tracked, and shot at close range for what they wrote and said. Narendra Dabholkar was killed in Pune on August 20, 2013. His work against superstition and for scientific temper made him a target.

Of some nutter whom nobody has heard of.  

Govind Pansare was shot outside his home on February 16, 2015 after challenging sectarian readings of history and organising workers.

Sadly, Teltumbde wasn't shot because he was utterly useless.  

M. M. Kalburgi was murdered at his doorstep in Dharwad on August 30, 2015 for his critique of blind faith and Brahminical practices. Gauri Lankesh

was important because of the Lingayat/Veerashaiva controversy.  

was gunned down in Bengaluru on September 5, 2017 for her relentless journalism against hate politics. As the investigations revealed they were planned and executed by Hindutva outfits – Sanatan Sanstha

founded by a crazy hypnotherapist who had spent a couple of decades in the UK 

and the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti.

Which denounces films. It is harmless. 

These killings

didn't matter at all, save in that Lankesh was a Lingayat journalist with her own magazine.  

reflected the same animus that once marked Gandhi as an obstacle, now marking rationalists, scholars, and journalists who stand in the way of a Hindu Rashtra vision.

Teltumbde doesn't stand in the way of any vision. Nobody wants to kill him. Sad.  

Godse’s Deification

After 2014, Nathuram Godse – long confined to the margins of public memory – began to surface in ways that would have been unthinkable in earlier decades.

Why? The Mahacrackpot had made Nehru his heir. Indira had made Congress dynastic. So long as Gandhi parivar was willing to supply Prime Ministers (or Regents like Manmohan keeping the seat warm for Rahul), it made sense to say 'Gandhi was great'. But those days are gone. Currently, Modi is the only guy who can run the country. The Opposition don't have a candidate. Thus, precisely because nutters like Teltumbde say 'RSS killed Gandhi' we are obliged to say 'killing Gandhi was an act of great heroism.' The real problem, however, is that autocracy is curbed by assassination. Indian politicians don't want to get shot. Rahul knows that if he is PM, he will get blamed for some stupid shit and thus become a target for some group or the other. 

The shift did not come through official endorsement, but through a loosening of taboos in parts of the public sphere: fringe groups openly praising him, attempts to install his busts, small shrines dedicated in his name, and social media campaigns recasting him as a “patriot” rather than an assassin. What had earlier been whispered in closed circles started appearing in rallies, local commemorations, and online networks.

Why? Teltudmbe's answer is 'It is a Brahmin plot dating back thousands of years!'  

Elected representatives from the ruling ecosystem occasionally made statements praising Godse or calling him a nationalist, triggering controversy but also revealing how far the moral boundary had moved.

Moral boundaries don't matter. What matters is whether the Gandhi dynasty will appoint a technocrat to run things so that they don't get shot when GoI does stupid shit.  

Each episode followed a pattern – outrage, tactical distancing by party leadership, and then quiet return of the same sentiment in another form. The cumulative effect was to normalise public ambivalence toward Gandhi’s assassin in a way that steadily eroded the earlier national consensus that treated the act as a civilisational shame.

Ambedkarites did much to paint Gandhi as an evil bastard. Logically, they should praise Godse as their deliverer. Had Gandhi lived, would the Hindu Code Bills have been passed?

Digital media accelerated this rehabilitation. WhatsApp forwards, Facebook pages, and YouTube channels circulated selective readings of Godse’s courtroom statement, stripped of context, presenting it as heroic testimony.

It is better than this cretin's testimony.  

This cultural re-framing did not require state proclamation.

RSS was banned because of Gandhi's assassination. Yet it could grow so large as a Parliamentary party that it got Cabinet seats in some States by the end of the Sixties. From '77-to '79 if even had a Cabinet minister at the Centre. But the first BJP Chief Minister dates from around 1990. The killing of Rajiv Gandhi gave it the chance to gain power at the Centre. But once Rahul returned to India in 2002, Congress regained momentum. Thus 'cultural framing' doesn't matter. What matters is whether the owner of a dynastic party has a dog in the manger attitude. Rahul won't rule- because he doesn't want to get shot- but he also won't let any one else rule. This is the political 'framing' which decides outcomes. 

It flourished in an atmosphere where majoritarian assertion,

i.e. what happened in 1947 

grievance politics,

see above 

and hostility to dissent

see above. Ambedkar approved India's First Amendment which goes in the opposite direction to America's.  

had become mainstream. In that climate, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi could be reimagined not as a warning from history but as an icon for the present.

It is obvious that a lot of people who joined the RSS in the Fifties, Sixties, Seventies etc. thought the Mahacrackpot was a nuisance. Thanks, first to Indira & Buta Singh and then to Rao & Manmohan, Gandhianism was kicked out of Indian politics long ago. Ambedkarite shite was given a shot in the arm by Mayawati. Let us see if she can make a comeback in the Hindi belt after delimitation. 

Millions of Godses Murdering India

What is alarming today is not an isolated act of violence but the gradual social production of a mindset in which hostility is moralised and prejudice is recast as patriotism.

This happened when Muslims were massacred or chased out of Delhi. Nehru was Prime Minister at that time.  

The outlook once identified with Nathuram Godse now circulates through a broad ecosystem of schooling, cultural work, and media messaging that presents India as exclusively Hindu, treats minorities with suspicion, and brands dissent as betrayal.

Custodian of Evacuee (later 'Enemy') Property treated Muslims with suspicion. They seized property because they 'anticipated' that the owner might migrate to Pakistan.  

This reproduction happens across channels. Institutions linked to the RSS, thousands of schools and hostels where cultural instruction shades into ideological orientation. Curricular revisions soften or omit difficult histories

stupid lies spread by Leftist Professors 

– Gandhi’s assassination context, caste oppression, communal violence

this nutter is pretending that Brahmins love Muslims and want to kill only Dalits. That may have been J.N Mandal's belief but he had to run away to India.  

– while elevating civilisational pride.

Indians should hate and be ashamed of Indian civilization.  

Social media sustains a flow of grievance narratives, misinformation, and selective hero-making;

e.g. Ambedkar worship 

parts of broadcast media echo majoritarian frames and stigmatize critics as “anti-national.”

This works if the shoe fits. It doesn't work- as with Owaisi- if it doesn't fit at all.  

Even fringe attempts to memorialise Godse, though not mainstream, signal how far the moral threshold has shifted.

The 'moral threshold' for this nutter shifted when he started to tell stupid, paranoid, lies.  If was genuinely smart, he'd be an IT billionaire. 

Gandhi’s murder cannot be viewed merely as an event of the past. It marked the beginning of an ongoing project.

To make India strong and prosperous. That's what this nutter objects to.  

January 30, 1948 was not an end; it was the first shot in a long war against pluralism,

which succeeded at Partition. The word 'pluralism' was coined for Burma which had already split off from India.  

secularism,

i.e. saying Hinduism is evil. Taliban is very nice.  

and constitutional democracy in India.

Dynasticism. Why is a low-born chai-wallah sitting in the office which used to belong to Cambridge alumni like Nehru, Indira & Rajiv? Incidentally, Rahul has an MPhil from Cambridge. Also, he is a janeodhari Brahmin.  

The forces that killed Gandhi are today in power. They are no longer rebels

There were Communist rebels. There were no Hindu rebels in independent India because the country was ruled by Hindus.  

but the rulers of the state. The danger, therefore, has multiplied many times over.

In which case, Muslims should be fleeing.  

Every attack on minorities, every killing in the name of cow protection,

e.g. the cow protection riots in Bihar in 1917? Gandhi was sent to Champaran to distract attention from it.  

every hate speech,

so long as only Hinduism is attacked 

every communal riot, every attempt to erase composite culture – these are all part of the same project that killed Gandhi.

& which succeeded thanks, in some part, to him. Going to jail together created esprit corps. Gandhi's son married Rajaji's daughter- thus breaking caste taboos. More remarkably, when Nehru's sister married a Muslim, it was Gandhi who broke up the marriage and got her a suitable Brahmin groom.  

The incidents may appear separate, but the ideology behind them is coherent.

It is the Indian national ideology. If the majority won't fight for India, the minorities are equally doomed.  

Millions of Godses are at work to destroy India in body and spirit.

In which case the country should be getting poorer and weaker. Yet, under Modi, the opposite has been the case.  

Bodily India is being disfigured by their regime through silence over or the lies about the effective loss of control on vast lands along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in eastern Ladakh at Galwan, Depsang and Hot Springs.

More was lost under Nehru. But then, had Gandhi prevailed, the whole country would have been lost to the Japs in '42.  

Simultaneously, India is being devastated daily by flattening of hills, ecological damage, diversion of forest lands, devastation of environment and destruction of rivers through policies that favour big capital.

Big Capital has the money to finance the State. This cretin thinks India should emulate Venezuela.  

All facilitations for rich and wealthy at the cost of the people are being sold as development and people are being intoxicated with religion and silenced with free rations and occasional freebees.

Rich and wealthy foreigners finance the Wire and publicize this cretin's worthless books.  

India is being killed in spirit through systematic destruction of her history, disfiguration of its archaeology, culture, and trampling upon all the values embodied in the Constitution.

Also, Modi is incessantly sodomizing Dalits like Teltumde. He is too traumatized to talk about it but we should do so for him.  

In this, we must acknowledge our own responsibility.

Teltumbde should not tried to suck Modi off. That randy bugger went ass-to-mouth on him. Dr. Ambedkar must be turning in his grave.  

By remaining silent,

because Modi has shoved his dick in your mouth 

by treating all this as ‘normal,’

It isn't normal for the Prime Minister of a big country to sodomize an elderly shithead every day.  

and by viewing each incident in isolation, we too have become complicit with Godses’ projects.

Fuck Godse's projects. It is Modi's project of going ass-to-mouth on every elderly Dalit which should worry us. By not speaking out against this atrocity, the editors of 'the Wire' are complicit in Teltumbe's brains having been buggered to buggery. Omidyar Sahib should kindly take action.  

Wednesday, 31 December 2025

Mander & Teltumbde on Indian Constitution



Dr. Ambedkar dismissed his contribution to the Indian Constitution as 'hack work'. He knew that India had chosen 

1) to be unitary rather than Federal. Thus there was no 'dual sovereignty' and no need for the Supreme Court to act as an arbiter when the Central legislature came into conflict with a State legilslature

2) to follow the Westminster model with supremacy for the 'Crown in Parliament'. Interestingly, the Pakistani Supreme Court decided that this just meant the Governor General or President could dissolve the legislature and rule by ordinance. The situation in India was different because Nehru commanded a big majority. Still, at the time of the passing of the First Amendment, the mood of the House was captured by Frank Anthony who said 'if this country has to be ruled by a Dictator, let that Dictator be Nehru.'

3) the Judiciary relied on the Executive to enforce its judgments. It had no independent means of doing so. Soldiers did take an oath to uphold the Constitution but that Constitution could be changed, suspended or abrogated. Those calling on army officers to disobey unconstitutional orders could be arrested and jailed. 

Anand Teltumbde, who doesn't know the law, is married to a descendant of Dr. Ambedkar. But he is so utterly without political importance that he was locked up for years on what many suspect to be bogus charges. 

The even more useless Harsh Mander writes thus of him in Scroll.in

We requested Teltumbde to reflect on what the Constitution has meant for India’s most dispossessed peoples,

i.e. those with low productivity. Raising productivity means people can possess more. Dr. Ambedkar had two PhDs in Econ. He knew that India's problem was low productivity. Raise it by all and every means including getting rid of serfdom and bars on occupational or geographical mobility. 

and how much it has contributed to helping access their rights to a life of dignity and hope.

Constitutions have no magic powers. Raising productivity is the only path forward. Sadly, the Indian legal system reduces total factor productivity because it is utterly dysfunctional. This is also true of dynastic 'Socialist' parties.  

His conclusions are sobering, scathing and unsparing.

They are stupid. He is a stupid man.  

Teltumbde sees an immense gap between the vision laid out in the Preamble

 Talk is cheap. No 'Preamble' is going to say 'this country is a shithole. Let us make it even more shitty.' 

and the realities of India’s present. “Liberty is under attack.

by Naxals and Jihadis.  

Economic inequality is worse now than it was even under colonial rule.

Nonsense! There were plenty of Maharajas with sovereign immunity back then who paid no taxes. Zamindars were permitted to impose illegal cesses on their tenants. Nowadays, even a Minister can be sent to jail for rape or murder or tax evasion. 

Fraternity has been shredded by rising communal hatred

That happened in 1947. Ambedkar's pal, Mandal, was foolish enough to become Jinnah's Law minister just as Ambedkar became Nehru's Law minister. But Mandal had to run away to India.  

and growing caste consciousness under the revivalist Hindutva movement.

Hindutva is against caste. Nobody complained when Modi- an OBC- was the jajman at the pran prathista ceremony at the Ram Temple in Ayodhya.  

Justice – social, economic, and political – remains elusive.

The Judiciary is utterly shit.  

The very foundation of our democracy feels dangerously fragile”.

My guess is that if no party gets a clear majority in 2030, then Scheduled Castes will lose reservations. Ambedkar had stripped Muslim Dalits of affirmative action. Prakash Ambedkar argues that reservations should have been abolished long ago. Instead they keep getting renewed every ten years.  

Teltumbde argues that we should not be constrained from constructively critiquing the Constitution because at this moment its very survival is gravely threatened by the Hindutva project of dismantling and rewriting the constitution to establish a Hindu Rashtra.

It was Nehru who barred Muslims who had fled across the border in panic from returning. Moreover, the Custodian of Evacuee Property could act upon some supposed intention to leave the country.  

With BR Ambedkar, he is convinced that a Hindu Rashtra would be the greatest calamity for India.

if the productive become more productive, the unproductive will weep bitter tears.  

Unlike the critique of the Constitution of the reactionary far-right, he affirms the emancipatory promise of the Preamble – liberty, equality, fraternity, and justice.

Cow Protection is a Directive Principle.  

Yet, he sees these as values the Constitution pledged but has failed to deliver.

Because it has no magic powers.  

“Yes”, he says boldly, “the Constitution is flawed…but dismantling it without first building a genuinely democratic and pro-people alternative would be to destroy the last remaining legal and moral structure within which the struggle for justice can still be waged”.

This useless tosser can't dismantle shit. A genuinely democratic India would have no truck with reservations for useless tossers.  

His treatise focuses specifically on Dalits, who have for millennia been oppressed by structures of caste, and barred from education and dignified work.

He wasn't. But he is still a useless pile of shite.  

But they apply more generally to all oppressed and marginalised communities who constitute the Indian republic.

They are marginalised because they have low productivity. Why not help them become more productive instead of pretending that a piece of paper can have magical powers?  

Teltumbde observes that on the one hand, perhaps Dalits feel the greatest emotional connection among all Indians to the Constitution.

Mahars- maybe. But non Mahar or Jatav Dalits aren't happy that affirmative action is monopolized by a 'creamy layer' of dynasts from the higher Dalit sub-castes.  

This is because its writing was led by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar who

married a Brahmin Doctor 

they venerate for leading the struggles for their liberation from the centuries-old bondages of caste.

He worked for the Brits. Sadly, they fucked off and thus he and his pal Mandal declined in political importance. Jagjivan Ram, who- as Wavell discovered to his surprise- was smart and highly productive rose and rose.  

Yet, he believes that the Constitution has failed resoundingly in fulfilling its emancipatory promise for Dalits,

Which is like saying 'J.K Rowling has failed resoundingly in turning me into a boy wizard no matter how often I tug my little wand.'  

arguably more than for any other community. It has contributed to the rise of a small Dalit middle-class.

Kanshi Ram's dynamite idea was to organize them. But, it was Mayawati who built the caste-coalitions which got her the top job in UP. Nowadays, smart Dalits join the RSS and then switch over to the BJP.  

But this small class shares with the large mass of Dalits only “a history but not a present”.

Because it has zero interest in raising the productivity of the 'large mass'. Ambedkar should have demanded support for Jatav millionaires in Kanpur so that India could take the lead in exporting leather goods. Instead he converted to Buddhism- which spread untouchability to Japan. Bali has Brahmins but no untouchables. Japan has untouchables but no Brahmins.  

The overwhelming majority of Dalits continue to endure the caste stigma and oppression that has been their fate for millennia, living in “a vast, submerged reality of suffering and despair”.

While this dude was living large as a Professor of useless shite.  


Dalits, he points out, form a quarter of India’s population, if we include Dalit Christians

whom the Brits had barred from affirmative action 

and Dalit Muslims.

whom Dr. Ambedkar barred from affirmative action.  

Their population, exceeding 320 million, would make them the third-largest “nation” in the world, larger than the combined population of 150 of the least populous countries on the planet. However, their wide dispersal across the country has meant that – like Muslims – they rarely form a numerical majority.

Amdedkar & Mandal- following Churchill's advise in his infamous 1931 speech- thought Dalits should ally with Muslims. That didn't work out too well.  

Teltumbde rejects the premise of some Hindutva intellectuals that the British rule created caste. But, he avers that colonial rule fundamentally transformed caste. Before the British, caste was a dynamic, localised system.

This continued to be the case. The Brits were constantly being petitioned to recognize such and such sub-caste as 'Kshatriya'.  

The British began counting and documenting caste.

They held a census.  

This, quoting Arjun Appadurai, didn’t just describe caste – it produced it as a rigid, bureaucratised, institutionalised hierarchy, solidifying boundaries that were previously contextual and fluid.

Nonsense! Courts decided which caste (and therefore which customary law) applied in particular cases. This had nothing to do with the census. What was new was the 'martial race theory' which excluded Mahars from recruitment into the Army.  

This colonial approach, Teltumbde states, continues to reverberate in India’s social and political life.

The 'colonial approach' involved creating legislatures and holding free and fair elections. India stuck with that approach. Myanmar didn't.  

He also observes that paradoxically, colonial rule also opened some emancipatory pathways for Dalits outside the rigid caste structures of Hindu kingdoms.

Hindu Princes financed Dr. Ambedkar's education. But he was useless and thus they could not employ him.  

They found non-caste employment for the first time in the military

till the Brits decided they were not 'martial' 

and railways, and were able to access education and stable employment. Babasaheb himself was the son of a British military soldier.

But could not himself become such a soldier. No wonder he supported the Brits against Nehru & Gandhi.  

Teltumbde importantly reminds us that until Mohandas Gandhi, the Indian National Congress – dominated as it was by English-educated elites,

Gandhi & Nehru were 'English educated' 

landlords, and emerging capitalists – tended to steer clear of calling for reforms in caste, untouchability and the status of women.

It also tended to steer clear of demanding the legalization of sodomy. Sad.  

It later made space for moderate reforms such as widow remarriage, child marriage, and even the abolition of untouchability, but never the annihilation of caste.

The Muslim League did achieve the annihilation of Hinduism and Buddhism in areas it came to control. Sadly, J.N Mandal and millions of Namasudras had to run away from East Pakistan.  

It was Gandhi who brought fighting untouchability into the core of the Congress agenda from 1916 onward.

Gandhi's Mummy told him 'if an untouchable bumps into you, go bump into a Muslim boy' thus transferring the contagion. His politics consisted in bumping into Dalits when the Muslims were annoyed with him and bumping into Muslims when the Dalits told him to fuck the fuck off.  

Particularly impactful was his movement for Dalit temple entry.

He failed. Why? He was stupid and ignorant. The pundits at Vaikom defeated him in argument.  In any case, there was an easy workaround for the road entry ban- viz. convert to Christianity or Islam. 

The limitation of Gandhi’s approach was that

he had shit for brains.  Dalits wanted higher productivity and thus higher income. Gandhi was against productivity.  

while he and the Congress looked at untouchability as a moral question and a social sin to be atoned for by caste Hindus,

i.e. yet more virtue signalling 

they did not frame it as a systemic injustice that required political solutions.

Economic solutions. Politics is just hot air.  

This conflicted with Ambedkar’s demands for separate electorates.

i.e. more power for himself so he could cuddle with the Muslim League under the benevolent gaze of Winston Churchill. Nehru would have called Ambedkar's bluff. Dalits were a minority everywhere. If they voted for the wrong candidate, they would be killed.  

Gandhi went on a fast unto death against separate electorates because he feared this would break Hindu unity and also encourage the Muslim League to make a similar demand.

The Muslims already had separate electorates. Mander has shit for brains.  


The compromise in the Poona Pact of 1932 was for reserved seats for Dalits within the general electorate rather than separate electorates. Ambedkar was dissatisfied with this because he

knew Congress 'Harijans' would get all the reserved seats 

was convinced that Dalits formed a separate community from caste Hindus like the Muslims,

But Muslims were in a majority in parts of India. There can be a Pakistan. There can't be a 'Dalitistan'.  

and therefore only separate electorates would protect their political and social interests.

J.N. Mandal protected his Namasudra community so well that they and he had to run away to India.  

Gandhi followed this with a temple entry movement

Ambedkar started it in 1927 though there were separate pre-existing movements in some parts of India. 

which incensed the conservative Hindu, but this still was not a movement for political empowerment of the Dalits.

Ambedkar's movement was nothing else. It wasn't the case that he personally liked visiting temples.  


Teltumbde regards as the central flaw of the constitutional arrangements for Dalits to be that once again it stressed the abolition of untouchability rather than the annihilation of caste.

Get rid of caste by all means. That way merit alone will matter. There will be no reservations.  

The Constituent Assembly was dominated by

the Congress Party. The Muslim League was excluded.  

upper-caste, Western-educated elites, landlords, and capitalists, with limited participation from workers, peasants, or marginalised groups especially Dalits and Adivasis.

Also prostitutes and rent-boys were thin on the ground.  

Ambedkar, a Dalit, was appointed to chair the Drafting Committee. Under his leadership, many provisions for advancing Dalit equity found their way into the Constitution, including the bans on untouchability and forced labour, and reservations in public employment and education. However, contrary to what Ambedkar had so forcefully advocated for in the 1930s, it did not outlaw caste and provide for separate Dalit electorates.

If you outlaw caste, there can't be any affirmative action. Mander has shit for brains.  

In the debates in the Constituent Assembly, some members opposed caste-based reservations as incompatible with liberal democratic ideals and pointed to the risks of deepening social fragmentation. However, the alternate view prevailed, that legal equality without structural interventions like affirmative actions would be insufficient to dismantle entrenched caste hierarchies.

Reservations were a good thing because of factionalism in a 'segmentary society'. In other words, the Uncle opposed his Nephew's selection. The only way to keep both happy was to put in a Dalit so the upper-castes could say 'Politics is a dirty business. Leave it to the 'bhangis''. The odd thing was that Dalits often turned out to be smarter than upper-caste shitheads. Viceroy Wavell had a strong prejudice against the young Jagjivan Ram. Then he discovered that he was the only man in his Cabinet who understood his portfolio and could get things done. Had Ram been made PM in 1977, India would have followed the South Korean path of export-led growth. The biggest beneficiaries would be people who work with their hands. Their productivity would keep rising and thus their socio-economic situation would have improved. Even the lazy 'landlord' class would have had to change its ways and send its daughters into the factories and offices.  

The Assembly unanimously voted for declaring untouchability unconstitutional and a punishable offense. Some members did question how untouchability could be eradicated without addressing the root problem – caste itself. This called to memory the fundamental disagreement between Babasaheb and Gandhi. Gandhi saw untouchability as a distortion of the caste system; Babasaheb insisted that untouchability was intrinsic to the caste system, and the caste system to the Hindu faith. Therefore untouchability could not be ended without ending caste.

i.e. ending Hinduism. But Jinnah was better at doing so. Sadly, Pakistanis don't hold Dalits in any very great esteem. 


In the assembly, Pramatha Ranjan Thakur,

a barrister who had opposed the shithead J.N Mandal 

great-grandson of Harichand Thakur, the founder of the Matua sect (the first Dalit reform movement) for instance, argued: “I do not understand how you can abolish untouchability without abolishing the very caste system. Untouchability is nothing but the symptom of the disease, namely, the caste system . . . Unless we can do away with the caste system altogether there is no use tinkering with the problem of untouchability superficially.”

Quit true. Get rid of caste for all and every official or legal purpose. Let there be a uniform civil code and no fucking reservations or affirmative action save on economic grounds.  

A couple of other members raised similar objections. But Teltumbde points to Ambedkar’s telling silence in the Constituent Assembly on the critique that untouchability could not be abolished without dismantling caste – a position that he had so passionately espoused for most of his adult life – and describes this as a strategic compromise.

The alternative was to get rid of reserved seats. This was fine if you were smart and improved things for your voters. But Ambedkar wasn't smart. He should have been saying 'only productivity matters' rather than banging on about how Dalits were originally Buddhists.  

Overruling the few dissenting voices, the Constituent Assembly unanimously passed the resolution to abolish untouchability and criminalise its practice. This resulted in Article 17 which states: “Untouchability is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. The enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law.” Hansa Mehta, one of the two women members of the drafting committee called this “the greatest thing that we have done,” a move that “posterity will be very, very proud of.”

Sadly, Hansa Mehta's hubby- who had asked her to abolish Death- died because his wife was too fucking mean to insist that the Constitution secure all Indian citizens the fundamental human right not to fucking die.  

Was India’s failure to abolish untouchability a “failure foretold”?

This dude doesn't read what he himself writes. He just told us that the Constitution abolished untouchability.  


Pointing to extensive evidence of the persistence of untouchability and violent caste discrimination in contemporary India, Teltumbde wonders at what he describes as a “failure foretold”. “How could the persistence of caste in independent India not have been foreseen by the galaxy of 300-odd stalwarts in the Constituent Assembly?” he asks.

How could the persistence of human beings in India be foretold by people who failed to abolish death?  

Gandhi’s position that untouchability was a moral perversion, not intrinsic to Hinduism, and “his defence of the ideal of varna, albeit spiritualised and purged of birth-based inequality” is well-known. (Toward the end of his life, Gandhi had spoken more directly against caste discrimination).

Gandhi's stupidity and uselessness were well known. What mattered was whether he could get money for his crack-pot schemes.  

But why did Jawaharlal Nehru, a self-avowed modernist, not challenge the caste system more vocally?

 Because he was challenging lots of other stuff so fucking vocally that the hindlegs of any donkey in the vicinity fell off. 

He did recognise caste to be a social evil and called instead for scientific temper and rationalism.

He had a temper. But he was shit at Science. 

However, Teltumbde observes that he remained politically cautious indicating a deeper political calculus.

Hindus are the majority. Don't piss them off if you want to stay in power.  

Possibly his fear was that caste was so pivotal an organising principle of Hindu life that directly attacking it might destabilise the emerging republic.

Nehru, in his auto-biography, reveals that Brahmin girls were not permitted by law to marry non-Brahmins. Thus when his youngest sister married a non-Brahmin Jain, she had to pretend to convert to Brahmoism. By contrast, when his daughter married a Parsi, the marriage was done according to Hindu rites. Parsis pointed out that this meant Indira was a concubine. Hindus laughed heartily. Feroze was a pauper of a 'ghar-jamai'. What mattered was that he wasn't Muslim. Mahatma Gandhi had broken up Vijaylaxmi's marriage to a Muslim. He even found a 'suitable' Brahmin boy for her to wed. 

And Nehru was dealing with a significant section of the Congress leadership that was socially conservative and had internalised caste hierarchies.

Then he began to win general elections by a big margin. Congress needed him more than he needed Congress. Thus it had to accept his version of 'Socialism'. The sticking point was collectivization of agricultural land. Nehru realized that the soldier is the son of the kulak. He will kill you if you try to take his daddy's land away.  


Teltumbde also points to the irony of the anxiety of many Dalit leaders that the abolition of caste might jeopardise their constitutional safeguards of reservations.

If no party has a majority in 2030, S.C Reservations won't be renewed. Each leader will say 'we wanted to give 150 percent reservation. That's why we refused to vote for renewal.' Muslims will be accommodated as OBC- unless that is already the case. Ambedkarites have shot themselves in the foot. They are small in number but very vocal on Social Media. This pisses off other Hindus. 

Caste embedded itself further in the new republic with its intersections with class.

No. Endogamy continued but there was occupational and geographical diversification. Look at the Patels of Gujarat or Nadars of Tamil Nadu or Jats of UP.  

The lower castes transformed into a rural proletariat.

No. They became landowning farmers keen to diversify into other industries or occupations.  

The erstwhile Shudras became a class of rich farmers,

Some did. Most didn't unless they diversified or moved to urban areas.  

which “not only accumulated economic power but also appropriated the ideological mantle of Brahmanism from the former upper-caste landlords, (whom they displaced) deploying it to dominate, discipline, and violently suppress Dalits”.

Nonsense! Pakistan has no fucking 'Brahmanism'. Upper-caste landlords can do what they like to their tenants. As for Christian Dalits in Pakistan- they can be executed for blasphemy if some villager makes a bogus allegation against them.  

This, he observes, erupted from time to time in brutal atrocities.

He wants non-brutal atrocities. Why not tickle people to death rather than chop bits off them?  

The constitutional order that formally guaranteed rights was

useless because rights without incentive compatible remedies are ineffective 

unequal to the challenge of dismantling the caste structure within which such violence and largescale discrimination continued unabated.

Only by abolishing death can we prevent murder.  

He points, likewise, to the continuance of the most abysmal forms of caste discrimination like manual scavenging

which, in Pakistan, is reserved, by law, for 'non-Muslims'. Interestingly, in 1948, Pakistan passed a law banning Hindu & Christian 'bhangis' from fleeing the country.  

and bonded labour.

which has nothing to do with caste. On the other hand it is true that the Indian Constitution's failure to ban death has led to the death of over a billion bahishkrit people. This shows that Brahmins are very evil.  

Teltumbde concludes that despite Article 17, untouchability remains entrenched in everyday life.

People are refusing to touch his pee-pee. Fuck you Brahmins! Fuck you very much! 

The problem, he says, is that the Constitution banned untouchability but did not abolish caste itself.

It should have banned death and sexual reproduction.  

In this way it allowed the social and institutional structures that sustain caste-based inequities, discrimination, violence and exclusions to persist.

What did so was following stupid policies which emphasized equity rather than the raising of productivity. Where productivity rises rapidly, caste disappears by itself. 

The problem is further escalated because the state institutions created to enforce the law – the police, judiciary, and bureaucracy – are themselves deeply stained by caste prejudice and even hatred.

Why do OBCs dislike Dalits?  

Their routine refusal to register cases, downgrading of offences, delays in trial, and sympathy for dominant caste perpetrators are not random failures; they become inevitable when

productivity is low. The highly productive have more money. They can use that money to get a better deal for themselves. Otherwise, they can emigrate and do even better for themselves.  

caste endures and strengthens.

because productivity is low. Everybody wants a safe Government job doing useless shite.  

“When the state machinery shares the worldview of those who uphold caste hierarchy, constitutional guarantees offer little relief to Dalits.

Low productivity means a 'zero-sum' worldview. The highly productive have more money. You may hate them, but you do what they tell you to do if they give you enough money.  

Legal prohibitions, he explains, have inevitably failed because the underlying caste structure remains intact.

because of low productivity- especially agricultural involution. Most farmers in India today eat more food than they produce. This isn't sustainable.  

This is further inflamed in the current BJP Hindutva regime.

Because the PM is OBC, the Chief Justice is Dalit and the President is ST.  

“Revivalist Hindu nationalism glorifies traditional social order, providing ideological cover for caste hierarchy.

While revivalist Ambedkarism provides nothing at all.  

Open display of caste markers, segregation in temples and villages, and caste-based mobilisation have become widespread.

They have always been widespread.  

Social media has further amplified these assertions. The state, aligning with dominant caste interests, often protects perpetrators and grants them impunity”.

Dominance matters. But this is a function of productivity. Where it is rising, dominance increases. Where it is falling, it will disappear.  


The result, as Teltumbde documents, is caste having become more visible, aggressive, and socially sanctioned than before.

Not in the RSS. They are cool with having an OBC Prime Minister.  

He sticks his head out to suggest that “India today is arguably more casteised than ever”(my italics).

Why did people of his own caste not protest his incarceration? Is it because he is a useless tosser?  

In these ways, constitutional ideals are routinely subverted by social reality and state complicity.

Cow protection is a constitutional ideal. Gau Rakshaks are not receiving enough support from the State.  


Political representation has done little to deliver substantive empowerment

because empowerment is a function of productivity not making a nuisance of yourself. 

Teltumbde is underwhelmed in his assessment of the contributions of political reservations for Dalits. This is not different from the global experience that while political reservations increase descriptive representation, they rarely deliver substantive empowerment. In the way political representation is designed in India’s electoral syatem, with Dalits rarely in a majority even in constituencies reserved for Dalits, they are forced by electoral compulsions into multi-caste alliances.

Suppose separate electorates had been granted. Then, India would be like Pakistan with 'minorities' voting for the incumbent government. 


The rotation of reserved seats incentivises short-term patronage.

It also incentivizes higher caste Dalits pretending to like lower-caste Dalits. 

Party affiliations further dilute accountability, shifting loyalty from community to party.

Not in India. There is no party loyalty.  

The dependence of Dalit candidates on intermediaries – brokers, fixers, party workers – to access state power through those with money or influence, renders representation hollow for many Dalits. Overall, Teltumbde tells us, research shows that reservations do not systematically translate into pro-Dalit policy outcomes.

Because only productivity matters. Figure out a way to raise it and, if nothing else, you yourself get rich though you may have to emigrate to do so.  

Even more gravely, he avers that political reservation has resulted in what he calls the “domestication” of Dalit leadership: instead of confronting caste power, it has been absorbed by it.

Like Kharge obeying the cretin Rahul.  

His dire conclusion is that political reservations have enabled the emergence of Dalit elites without enabling Dalit emancipation.

i.e. most are trapped in low productivity employment 

Also, in the first-past-the-post electoral system, reservations are less instruments of empowerment of the community and more as seeking their buy-in to those who enjoy political, social and economic power.

Under proportional representation, Dalits and Muslims and Communists would have allied to break up the country. Don't forget that the British system was more like P.R than 'first past the post'. 

He believes that instead, a system of proportional representation based on vote shares alone would prevent the marginalisation of smaller or dispersed communities.

It would have led to the break-up of the country- which is what happened in any case.  

It would help convert caste and community identities into political interest groups,

This happened long ago.  

and with less need for identity-based reservations,

because people don't need jobs- right?  

it could gradually support the project of caste annihilation.

& abolishing death 

Unlike reservations which require statutory backing, proportional representation could organically enable minority inclusion.

What is more likely is Hindu vote consolidation.  

Caste quotas in educational institutions and public employment

Teltumbde also examines closely the impacts of caste quotas in educational institutions and public employment.

It worsens the working of both. Nobody cares. We want degree certificates and Government jobs. We don't want Education or Productive work.  

In the Constituent Assembly debates, it was Ambedkar who most forcefully argued for these as reparative justice to redress centuries of caste-based oppression and exclusion, for a people who historically “were not only not allowed to enter the public services

a Hindu prince gave him a scholarship and offered him the job of Military Secretary. He mistakenly thought Ambedkar was a patriot of the Lajpat Rai sort. 

but were also prohibited from pursuing ordinary education”. He also argued that reservations were essential to allow SCs entry into administration and political life, so they could

line their pockets?  

protect their rights and assert their voice in governance.

Other members supported him. In a tenor similar to Ambedkar’s, K Santhanam said that reservation for SCs was “not a privilege but an act of compensation for centuries of oppression and humiliation.”

Santhanam was a silly billy. He had compared the situation in Madras Presidency to Ulster! 

KM Munshi warned the members that if constitutional safeguards are not put in place, dominant castes would continue to monopolise opportunities, thereby reproducing structural inequality.

Also if free enterprise is to prevail, the Civil Service needs to turn to shit.  

Jaipal Singh, speaking for tribal communities, predicted discerningly: “Unless they get reservations, they will never catch up with the rest of India.”

But the rest of India can be pulled down to their level by a Socialist Bureaucracy. 

RK Sidhva added that education was key to social mobility, and reservations were a matter of justice, not charity.

Everything was a matter of justice, not productivity with the result that India became unable to feed or defend itself.  

But we also heard in the Constituent Assembly opposition to affirmative action on grounds that we continue to hear repeated decades later, of merit and efficiency being trumped by quotas. HV Kamath, for instance, said, “We should not sacrifice efficiency at the altar of social justice.” RV Dhulekar said that merit and equality before law should be paramount. But the Assembly in the end supported reservations, providing for these in Articles 15(4), 16(4), and 335 of the Constitution.

Because they were against merit or efficiency or anything which might make the country more productive. Did you know that India was once very very rich? That's why a handful of Britishers colonized it. To ensure they don't return, we must make India as poor as possible.  

Evaluating the impact of these, Teltumbde observes that reservation policies in educational institutions and public employment have the merit that these at least touch directly upon the material conditions of Dalit life unlike most other provisions in the Indian Constitution.

They can get a useless degree and then sit in a Government office preventing development.  

Educational and job quotas have done more to foster a more egalitarian society than political reservations.

Sadly, smart peeps run away from this egalitarian society. A Soviet diplomat once asked my mother why the grandchildren of Indian Presidents tend to be American citizens. I intervened to suggest that White Man wrongly said Columbus discovered America. Actually it was Vasco da Gama. America is actually India. Also original Americans were Communists which is why they were called Red Indians. Thus all Indian Presidents- being true Socialists- ensure their children emigrate and thus reclaim their birth-right.  

For Dalits, pathways for upward economic mobility were barred for centuries.

by other Dalits and OBCs.  Then the Brits decided to bar Mahars from the Army. 

These pathways, Teltumbde observes, were opened potentially by affirmative action in education and public employment. These have, despite limitations, expanded Dalit presence in professions that were traditionally barred to them. They have enhanced economic security but broken through social hierarchies.

Not in Pakistan. Government has very kindly reserved manual scavenging for non-Muslim Dalits.  


Yet, formulated as remedies for “backwardness” of these castes, Teltumbde believes that this framing constructs Dalits as though they were intrinsically deficient.

whereas he himself is extrinsically deficient.  Why couldn't he set up an enterprise and grow rich? Were all his degrees useless? I suppose so. What is 'cybernetic modelling'? He has a PhD in it. Had he been smart, Silicon Valley would have hired him. He'd be a billionaire. 

This has reinforced casteist prejudices that Dalits are an inferior people deserving possibly of sympathy but not rights, and that they are being unfairly elevated by a state driven by vote-bank politics.

Sadly, it is the truth. Meghnad Saha was the first and last Dalit scientist of note. He died in 1956. To be fair, the quality of higher education declined. This meant that if your family wasn't already well educated, you didn't get proper guidance to master your subject and to rise.  

Second, Dalits are themselves often made to feel that they are undeserving or second-rate.

Unless they are Christians and don't get affirmative action. 

“What was originally conceived as a measure of social justice thus becomes a marker of social deficit”.

Social justice meant lowering productivity. This created an economic deficit which in turn entailed a social deficit.  


Answering the critics of education and job quotas, Teltumbde articulates a profound social truth that reservations were not necessitated by any intrinsic deficiency among Dalits.

But they may cause an intrinsic deficiency of effort on the part of the 'creamy layer'. But the same might be said of 'legacy' admissions to Ivy League. If you know you are going to get into a top school, why bother studying hard?  

These were impelled by the failings of Indian society, which continues to be hostile to the ideal of equality.

Also, India is hostile to the ideal of immortality. That's why it hasn't banished death.  

Reservations are not a recompense for Dalit backwardness,

smart Dalits emigrate just like other smart people. As the economy continues to grow, some may come back to set up businesses. Currently, the only Dalit billionaire is based in Germany. But he has plans to set up a cooperative food processing enterprise in India. His two sons retain Indian passports which suggests that they will be able to relocate when the right opportunity presents itself.  

but a corrective measure for societal deficiencies and entrenched caste prejudices. “It is not Dalit individuals who must ‘catch up’ with society, but the social order itself that must expunge its caste biases and catch up with the ideals of a modern, egalitarian polity”.

Fuck that. India must stop trying to become shittier than it already is. Catch up growth is about raising general purpose and total factor productivity. This involves ignoring virtue signalling shitheads like Mander.  

The state, through reservations, is not extending undue favours to a minority but is “disciplining a historically unjust majority”.

Sadly, Indians don't want leaders who will 'discipline' them by cutting off their bollocks.  

The educational and occupational advancement of Dalits has often led to backlashes of resentment, anger and envy, and has been the trigger often for violence by dominant communities against “upstart” Dalits.

What to do? OBCs are like that only.  

Teltumbde also indicates sensitively the predicament of those who benefit from these quotas. They are excluded from middle-class networks because of the continuing prejudices of caste. But at the same time, they are separated from their own caste communities, which continue to live in penury and want. This entails “profound psychological costs, including chronic anxiety, identity dissonance, and a persistent sense of inadequacy despite visible markers of success… reflecting a deep-drawn inferiority complex, inhibiting their ability to fully realise their potential”.

But they can line their pockets well enough. The trick is to get your kids Green Cards. If people want to rise by hard-work, thrift & enterprise, let them do so in America.  

Also, reservations rather than annihilating caste have, Teltumbde says, in some ways reinforced it within a framework of redress. This has led to a competitive hierarchy of entitlements, reproducing and embedding caste identities and caste tensions.

In other words, non-Mahar Dalits want a fair share of the reservations cake.  

The massive gap in the educational opportunities for the elite and middle classes and the poor that existed at independence has only greatly widened.

Government schools have turned to shit in many parts of India.  

India failed to establish a Common School System, which ensured that, in Teltumbde’s words, “educational access continued to follow social rank rather than democratic ideals”.

But educational access is shit. Gautam Adani quit school at 15. He is the guy people want to emulate.  

Public spending on education has stagnated at around 3% of GDP, far below the recommended 6% .

Because voters know that Government schools are shit.  

This has systematically pushed Dalits to the bottom of the educational hierarchy.

Previously, they were on top- right? 

Even in rural areas, the neo-rich dominant castes, including the now landed Shudras, opt for private  schools, while poorly resourced and understaffed government schools remain the preserve of Dalit children.

I believe the 'Bhim Army' did set up coaching classes for Dalits in UP about a decade ago.   

Therefore “Dalit children are trapped in a deteriorating government system that offers little mobility. The result is a harsh sorting mechanism: elites buy opportunity, while Dalits inherit deprivation, reinforcing caste hierarchy under the veneer of merit and market efficiency”.

Also, many Dalits suffer death because Brahminical elites are refusing to abolish death.  

Private schools and colleges, especially those offering English-medium education, overwhelmingly serve relatively better-off upper-caste elites.

People with no money can't pay fees. Shocker! 

Private colleges increasingly dominate higher education, and these have no quotas.

I suppose public colleges will just keep getting shittier and shittier.  

Although public universities have reservations, the domination of private education – entirely unaffordable for most Dalits – effectively nullifies the constitutional safeguards.

I suppose he wants RTE to be extended to private Colleges.  

This traps Dalit students in substandard institutions,

i.e. pubic sector institutions. But why should they be 'substandard'?  

rendering their academic foundations weak and severely limiting their future employment prospects.

Because they have low 'general purpose' productivity. It is a vicious circle.  

Reservations in government employment have, in Teltumbde’s assessment, delivered “meagre returns while imposing a disproportionate stigma”. After all, the public sector where reservations apply covers barely about 4% of India’s workforce, compared to 32% in China and 15%-25% in countries of the Global North. He calculates that quotas translate into benefits for only about 0.6% of SCs and an even smaller proportion of STs. For this meagre support, Dalits are stigmatised and humiliated as “pampered” and dependent on state charity.

In other words, Reservations must end in 2030. That's what Prakash Ambedkar has been demanding for many years now.  

And this tiny fraction of Dalits that access reservations face a hostile and discriminatory environment at work, confining them to low-impact roles and away from management and decision-making assignments. This, he says, turns the public sector into “a graveyard of Dalit aspirations”.

Public sector turned India into a graveyard for everybody with any fucking aspiration other that of licking the arse of the Dynasty.  


He speaks for instance of academic spaces – traditionally the preserve of advantaged castes – being extremely reluctant to recruit Dalits as faculty, “treating them as intellectual interlopers rather than equals”.

Was Teltumbde a good Professor? No. But he may have been a good enough manager at Bharat Petroleum which is one of the few profitable public sector enterprises. 

In 2019, only 3.47% of professors and 0.7% of associate professors in forty central universities were Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes. In 2021, only 1.68% of IIT faculty and just 0.23% of IIMs were Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes.

So, there is a strong correlation between not being shit and having few SC/ST professors.  


How Indian secularism “constitutionalised” caste

A particularly important and challenging section of the book is one that describes how the core foundation of “secularism” in the Indian Constitution has been interpreted and implemented in ways that have only reinforced caste hierarchies and discrimination.

Secularism only came into the Constitution in the mid Seventies. It is meaningless save in so far as it has been interpreted to mean 'RSS is very evil. So is BJP. Fuck you Vajpayeee/Advani/Modi! Why don't you fuck off back to Nazi Germany?' 

Its core failure, according to Teltumbde, is that Indian secularism never confronted the religious foundations of caste.

It should have outlawed Buddhism which says caste is determined by actions in a previous life. Brahmanism, on the other hand, says anybody can become a Brahmin by paying for a costly ceremony.  

Instead it “constitutionalised” it through caste-based personal laws,

These already existed as part of case-law. The Constitution recognized existing law.  

failures to reform temple access and to outlaw practices linked to ritual purity.

Like bathing. Why was bathing not banned?  

This meant that “the so-called secular state continued to outsource social authority to religion”.

If so, the Brits were kept in power by Hindu Pandits, Muslim Imams and Buddhist monks.  


If a Dalit chooses to try to escape caste discrimination by converting to religions that in principle are more egalitarian like Christianity or Islam, they are barred by

Dr. Ambedkar 

the Constitution from accessing reservations. The Constitution has effectively trapped Dalits within the Hindu fold, with “no constitutional mechanism to escape the religious identity that legitimises their oppression”.

In practice, nobody cares if you converted. Just make sure you have a Caste certificate and you are golden.  

He concludes that in effect, secularism without caste annihilation only reinforced the very hierarchies it claimed to transcend.

Secularism does not claim to transcend anything. This is because only Divinity is transcendent.  

The fatal flaw of impunity for state officials who violate rights

He also points to a deep, almost fatal flaw of the Constitution that while enumerating fundamental rights to secure social justice, it also institutionalises impunity for state functionaries.

Nonsense! State functionaries have to observe the law same as anybody else. Plenty get falsely accused of violating the anti-Dalit Atrocity Act.  

Elected public officials, the police, security forces, judges are all protected from disciplinary and criminal action not just when they fail to protect or defend the rights of citizens but even when they violate them.

This has never been the case. The postman is not allowed to fuck you in the ass. That is not the proper way to deliver a letter. Also, if you pay him every time he does so, you are a homosexual. Mander's Mummy should have explained this to him.  

This legal shield protects the state when it fails to uphold rights but also when it directly violates these, while acting with caste, communal and class bias and prejudice.

States have sovereign immunity but not with respect to their own Judiciary. However, there may be a 'doctrine of political question' or limited Executive immunity. 

Incidentally, there is a legal shield against being murdered. This does not mean murders don't occur.  

This impunity renders the marginalised – Dalits, Adivasis, religious minorities, and dissenters – effectively unprotected by India’s constitutional order.

No. There is an anti-Dalit atrocity act. The Supreme Court tried to curb its misuse but Modi strengthened it. 

This means that even custodial torture, rape and killings have no effective redress.

Was Teltumbde anally raped while in custody? I suppose so. His brains have been buggered to buggery.  

For Dalits, Adivasis, and Muslims, he says that this impunity translates into routine terror, incarceration, and erasure. The worst aberration is the power to detain persons without trial or bail, in the way that Teltumbde himself was held.

Most people thought Prakash Ambedkar would move heaven and earth to get his 'sambandhi' out of jail. Maybe, the idea was to give the senile coot some credibility. After all, his brother was a Naxal.  

“The ideals of liberty, equality, and dignity remain distant dreams,” he concludes, and these are “betrayed not by enemies of the state but by the state itself”.

In India, the enemies of the State became the State in 1947. Sadly, they refused to raise productivity and so the country became unable to feed or defend itself.  

A democratic republic, Teltumbde affirms luminously, cannot endure on the back of the doctrine of sovereign impunity.

Nonsense! The US has Federal, State and Tribal Sovereign Immunity. It has endured very well.  

It must instead find its strength in the uncompromising pursuit of accountability, especially from those who wield power in its name.

In other words, it must ensure that nothing is done no matter how dire the emergency.  

The way ahead is collective political assertion

rather than raising productivity. Lets all go on strike till everybody starves to death. That will make the State very sweet and nice.  

He reflects that perhaps the Constitution could not have been very different from what it is.

It could have been a lot shorter.  

It was after all a codification of the dominant class’s interests into law.

No. The law already existed. The Constitution merely affirmed that all such law was 'autochthonous' even if brought in by guys named Macaulay rather than Manmohan.  

“A Constitution cannot stand above society”, he observes, “it embodies the political will of those who hold power”.

No. A Constitution may be 'mere puffery'. The Burmese had one before the Indians. It was useless.  

For it to genuinely serve the interests of Dalits, it is incumbent upon them to shape their politics in a way that compels the ruling classes to respond.

Like J.N Mandal allying with the Muslim League? That didn't end well for his people.  

“There can be no messianic solution – only the hard work of collective political assertion”.

Political assertion isn't hard work. Winning elections is. Modi is politically assertive and achieved something close to Messianic status. But that's because he works hard and does sensible things. Mander & Teltumbde are senile shitheads who have achieved nothing since quitting Public Sector employment. Obviously, this is the fault of the Indian Constitution. It should have outlawed all types of death- including brain death.