Showing posts with label Joya Chatterji. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Joya Chatterji. Show all posts

Sunday, 1 March 2026

Joya Chatterji's senile shadows at noon.

 In latitudes between the tropics of Cancer & Capricon, there is a day on which you throw no shadow at noon. Delhi is some 500 km north of the tropic of Cancer & thus there are shadows at noon- albeit not very long ones in Summer.

Joya Chatterji is a year younger than me and was born in Delhi. She says her brother, at Modern School, was bullied because his mother was British. I was surprised by that. More surprising was her contention that she thought there was something fake about the Republic Day parade she witnessed in 1970. She asks why Indians had to be persuaded that India was a nation two decades after Independence? No doubt, she would have been equally puzzled by the American celebrations of their bicentennial in 1976. Why did the US have to be persuaded it was a nation two centuries after it had declared Independence?  The answer is that nobody needed to be persuaded of anything. They simply liked celebrating being a nation. On the other hand, it is true that the only reason we celebrate birthdays is because we need to be persuaded that we are still alive. 

Joya, even at the age of 6, was so astoundingly stupid that the only subject she could be a Professor of was History- that too in England where nobody knows or cares about Indian history. If Britain ruled that country it must be because Indians were stupid. Indian economists or historians are given Professorships in British Universities so that white kids come to understand how & why their ancestors came to rule over India. To be clear, it is because Indians have shit for brains. They don't understand why birthdays are celebrated. 

Joya also expresses puzzlement at the partition of India. She doesn't get that Muslims don't like kaffirs. Kaffirs are willing to hang together if the alternative is getting killed by Muslims. 

Joya's ignorance of Indian history is quite astonishing given that she was raised in Delhi and got her first degree there.

She says Indians didn't have a common language. They did. Hindustani was the lingua franca. People who travelled for work or who interacted with others in towns knew it well enough.

She says people in the Congress party before the Great War might know two or three languages but could read only one. Yet, if they had been to school, they were obliged to know the vernacular language plus one classical language (Sanskrit or Persian) written in the traditional script. If they were advocates, they also needed to be able to read the 'shikast' script. 

She says India had few roads & serious roadbuilding only happened during the Second World War and that too only in the East. This is nonsense. Road building picked up from the 1830s onward when the Grand Trunk road was repaired. When India gained independence there were 221, 690 miles of motorable roads out of which 126,374 were motorable throughout the year. In 1920 the figure was 121,000 miles though little of this was 'surfaced'. As cars & trucks became more widely available, metalling of roads was undertaken by the PWD. There may been about 200,000 miles of road in 1940. Some 10,000 miles of road through harsh terrain was constructed in the North East as part of the War effort. 

She says that till the 1880s the fastest route between Bombay & Calcutta was by Sea. Actually, they were connected by rail in 1870. The sea journey- by steam ship might take one or two weeks. The rail journey might take 2 days. Joya thinks that people in 1885 would take the sea route to Bombay because the rail route was only for soldiers. She is utterly mad. Rail companies want to maximise their profits. They like transporting people- even darkies- because they like money. Rich Indians could travel in great comfort. The special carriages for the rich were splendidly equipped. Servants went ahead to set up luxurious camps. The middle class, on the other hand, couldn't afford such facilities. 

Joya mentions Gandhi's astonishment that Tamil Brahmins had separate cooking facilities at Congress meetings. Somehow, she has got it into her head that this had something to do with railways and that Indians of different castes could only 'meet face to face' in London! She doesn't seem to be aware that people could maintain their ritual purity while chatting face to face with almost everybody save particularly low sub-castes associated with insanitary or inauspicious activities. But then, the British King didn't make it a practice to dine with Jack Ketch- the executioner. 

Why is Hinduism the religion of the vast majority of Indians? The answer is that Hindu Acharyas- like Sankara- walked or took boats or wagons across the length and breadth of India one thousand years before the invention of the steam engine. Joya says her own picture of India came from train journeys. But if this is true of her, it must be true of every Indian ever. Since there were no trains in India till about 1850, it follows that no Indian could have had a picture of India prior to that time. Even after trains were introduced, Indians could not come 'face to face' with each other because of caste regulations. Thus, to meet an Indian of another caste, you had to go to London. Incidentally, prostitutes tend to be of a different caste to their clients. In order to have sex, both had to go to London. Moreover, barbers belong to a different caste to those they served. That is why they were constantly travelling to London where they would shave the client who lived down the road from them back in India. 

Joya thinks the Indian students in London in 1865 were very important because, for the first time, they were able to meet other Indians of different castes 'face to face'. Yet, they had been doing so at School & College, not to mention the Bazaar & the Sports maidan back in India. 

More worrying is her extraordinary ignorance of basic Indian history. She says RC Dutt was a 'model bureaucrat' who 'sought a meeting with Lord Curzon' to argue the case for tax reform. Dutt resigned from the ICS in 1898 & went to London as a lecturer at UCL. Curzon came to India in 1899. Dutt wrote an 'open letter' to him in 1900 but he himself was in London at that time. Joya seems to think that Curzon was Viceroy at the time of the Nadia famine which Dutt witnessed. But that was in 1874 when Curzon was a schoolboy of 15! 

There are innumerable howlers on every page of Joya's book. She says Aurobindo's father- a poorly paid civil surgeon- employed an English nurse & butler! It isn't that she hasn't read books about Aurobindo. She simply can't understand what she reads. Instead she confabulates English nurses & butlers! If British District Collectors could not afford such things, how could an Indian Doctor in Government employ? 

Joya says Gandhi's mother was Jain. She wasn't. She belonged to the Pranami (Vaishnav) sect. She says Gandhi's first direct engagement with Indian politics came when he wrote 'Hind Swaraj'. It wasn't. He had attended the INC Calcutta session in 1901 and spoken there of the grievances of the Indians in South Africa. She says there is an 'influential definition' of nationalism as a political movement which seeks to capture state power. This is clearly nonsense. A Communist or a religious fanatic or a bunch of gangsters may want to capture state power. A Nationalist may also be an Anarchist who believes that there is no need for a State. Gandhi, pace Joya, was a Nationalist of this type. His argument against militarism & industrialisation was that India would become like England if it took that road. To retain its Indian identity it should embrace celibacy, non-violence & an austere life-style. 

Joya thinks Lala Lajpat Rai was beaten to death by the police in 1919 'in broad daylight'. Actually he died in 1928. That's what provoked Bhagat Singh to take revenge. Bizarrely, Joya couples his name with Bagha Jatin who was killed in 1915, a couple of years before Bengalis heard of Mahatma Gandhi. 

Joya may be in poor health. Her memory may be failing. But her editors at Penguin should have gone through her manuscript and corrected the more obvious blunders. What nobody can correct is her stupidity. She thinks 'moneyed men' got Gandhi to call off the Non-Cooperation movement which, she says, he described as a 'Himalayan miscalculation'. She has confused the anti-Rowlatt agitation, which commenced on April 6 1919 & which Gandhi called off after the Jallianwallah Bagh massacre and which he called a 'Himalayan miscalculation' with his unilateral surrender in 1922 after the Chauri Chaura violence. 

Joya thinks 'violence became embossed on the nation's fabric'. She is wrong. Both violence and non-violence fell by the wayside. People fought elections & formed Governments if their side won. In other words, India followed the path that the Brits had set down for them. Why? There was no alternative. In a poor country, guys who get paid a regular salary to kill people prevail over amateurs who do it for fun. As for non-violence- it either means 'money power'- in which case it should be used for buying vote or bribing officials- or it means sulking in jail. 

Shadows at noon is a shit book but, it may be, its author suffers some form of premature senility. What is inexcusable is that no editor at Penguin corrected the more glaring factual errors. 

Saturday, 28 February 2026

Joya Chatterji's legacy of stupidity

 


Joya Chatterji is a distinguished British historian whose first degree was from the prestigious Lady Sri Ram College in Delhi.

Sadly she is stupid & ignorant.

Consider the following extract from her book 'Partition's legacies' on the 'long view' of Decolonisation in South Asia-

Decolonisation was a global process whose scale, pace, and implications are not best captured by a regional study. So what, one might ask, is gained by approaching the process from the perspective of South Asia?

Nothing. But a stupid and ignorant historian can tell stupid, ignorant, lies under this rubric.  

There are, I believe, compelling reasons for giving decolonisation in the region special attention. India was the first colony to achieve independence,

The Philippines became independent from the USA on July 4, 1946. India & Pakistan became independent in August of the following year. 

albeit as two separate nation states, India and Pakistan. Britain’s abrupt withdrawal from India after the Second World War – so swift that many have denounced it as a scuttle –

Indians could have formed a Federal Government under the provisions of the 1935 act.  

raised questions that have helped frame the debate about decolonisation, not just in India but elsewhere.

Stupid and ignorant people who teach worthless shite don't conduct a debate. They eat their own shit.  

Did Britain jump or was it pushed?

Why did the Tories pass the 1935 Act? The answer was that the Raj wasn't making much of a profit. Also, it was as boring as shit. Westminster didn't want to pass laws for India. Let the country become self-administering and self-garrisoning like the Settler Colonies.  

If it jumped, was the prime agency of decolonisation situated in the metropolis, as some historians argue?

The Tories had nice mansions in Mayfair. They didn't live in some Calcutta slum.  

In their view, Attlee’s Labour government chose to “transfer power” to independent nations from a Britain battered by war and mired in debt, thereby engineering a convenient “escape” from their Indian empire, while retaining, so it was hoped, informal influence over the region.

The British navy remained vital for the defence of South Asia. India retained a British admiral till 1958. Also, the Brits owed India money and thus India had an incentive to remain in the Sterling zone.  

Others who insist that Britain was pushed, by contrast, are more attentive to local or “peripheral” forces and pressures: 

e.g. India was a shithole. It smelled bad. Come to Delhi- get dysentery. So not worth it.  

widespread disorder during the Quit India Movement,

Which Wavell quelled by killing lots of people.  

communal riots

Gandhi told Wavell that if India wanted a bloodbath, India would get a bloodbath 

and famine,

like the Bangladesh famine of 1974? It was preceded by genocide. 

demoralisation in the lower ranks of government,

not to mention dysentery in the higher ranks.  

disorder in the ranks and on the streets, wave upon wave of strike action, and above all to nationalism on the road Towards Freedom

The recent Congress sponsored 'Bharat Bandh' was supported by 300 million people. Few noticed.  

For decades this debate, launched by political historians

stupid shitheads 

in the 1980s, seemed to be getting nowhere, stuck in a groove much like a needle in a vinyl record of that era, scratching away at the same refrains.

like this worthless shite.  

That fundamental disagreement reverberated, as Shipway notes, through the study of decolonisation in other parts of the world.

i.e. other countries, too, had useless shitheads who teach shite.  

The independence of India and Pakistan has powerfully influenced this wider debate, if not always in a helpful way. In recent decades, however, a new generation of scholars has moved the subject forward. Taken together, their work shows – and this is an argument I will pursue here – that decolonisation cannot be reduced to one or other of these single drivers.

It can be reduced to one and only one thing- viz. the ratio of cost to benefit. True, the French & the Dutch were foolish enough to squander a bit of blood & treasure on trying to take back Indochina & Indonesia respectively. But, if the thing isn't profitable, money for it will dry up sooner or later.  

It was a process simultaneously local and global. For one thing, in geo strategic terms, India was never merely local or peripheral: the subcontinent always played a pivotal part in wider British imperial strategy.

It could play the same role after Independence. But, after Hiroshima, Britain's security did not depend on the Royal Navy. It depended getting nukes & delivery systems. Anything 'East of Aden' could go fuck itself. The Suez crisis showed that sabotage could close the Canal & blow up oil pipelines.  

Even after India and Pakistan became independent, for the rest of the world they represented “exogenous factors” in their own right –

shit is exogenous to the asshole. But shit doesn't greatly matter if you pull the flush.  

for the colonised a beacon of hope of what they could achieve,

turn to shit 

and for colonisers a template of how they could manage retreat in parts of the world that were becoming too difficult, dangerous, or expensive to govern.

In which case they would be difficult for their own leaders to govern.  

Posing the question in either/or terms does not advance our understanding.

Because you are as stupid as shit. Teaching History destroys brain cells.  

By eschewing these polarities, I suggest that it was at conjunctures when local and global crises violently collided that decolonisation – never a smooth process – jolted forward.

This stupid lady doesn't understand that Ireland became independent in 1922. The price was partition.  

The particularities of the process in this region are another compelling reason to focus on South Asia:

Though it merely repeated the trajectory of Ireland.  

above all the fact that decolonisation was achieved by a radical partition.

Like Ireland.  

In turn, the vivisection of British India would become a template for partitions elsewhere,

No. The Indians rejected a Federal solution. The Malays, Nigerians etc. didn't though the Malays did throw out Singapore.  

notably Palestine in 1948.

Palestine wasn't fiscally viable just as it isn't now.  

But the Partition of India is also important because it has a profound bearing upon the second great issue of the subject – namely, what did decolonisation actually achieve?

Nonsense! Whether or not there was a federal solution, decolonisation meant local people moved into the mansions & officers of the former masters.  

Did it merely involve the capture of the imperial state by local elites who perpetuated imperial “customs of governance” to secure their own dominance?

True Independence means killing the bourgeoise & the kulaks & the left adventurists & the right deviationists & everybody else who looks like they might become some such thing. Why bother with Commie shite? Marxism is dead.  

What, if anything, changed on the ground for the ordinary citizen (herself a product of the decolonising imaginary) after the transfer of power?

Governance turned to shit.  

Is there merit in “the continuity thesis” which holds that freedom in South Asia did not meaningfully transform colonial structures of power?

Why did soi disant independent countries not ban dicks? Did you know dicks cause RAPE! 

I build upon recent scholarship to interrogate this powerful and durable thesis and challenge some of its conclusions, arguing that the imperial state was not some singular object, easily handed over, like a baton in a relay race, to local elites. Rather, it was an assemblage of power, “fluid, frequently irrational and often self limiting”, spread patchily over the various regions, articulated differently across different social spaces.

This could also be said of State power in the US, UK, Soviet Union etc. The fact is no country has banned dicks. This shows that everybody is a fucking Imperialist running dog of Neo-Liberal Patriarchy.  

Decolonisation was therefore, and could only ever have been, an irregular process by which the imperial order was disaggregated –

Scotland is a colony of England. Evil English toffs are starving wee Scottish bairns. The UN special rapporteur on food security has said that Scottish women lack access to arable land to grow turnips to feed their their families. This is why the diet of the typical Scot consists of deep fried Mars bars in batter & Buckfast tonic wine. 

Did you know that men in Scotland have dicks? This proves that King Charles III is a fucking tyrant.  

unevenly, haphazardly, and incompletely – and replaced, also incompletely, by two fragile and nascent national orders.

Like the nascent national orders in England & Scotland or Maryland & California. 

 Such a process was not, and could never have been, seamless.

Because that's how history works.  

Acknowledging the incompleteness has led historians to revaluate the significance of 1947

Its significance was fucking obvious. Some stupid Commies said 'Nehru is a lackey of Wall Street'. But once they were shot or incarcerated, they changed their tune.  

and question the timing (and periodisation) of decolonisation. Did it occur, in some definitive way, in 1947?

Yes.  

Or if it was indeed a more long drawn out process spread over about forty years or more,

Very true. When you celebrate your 40th birthday you are celebrating a long drawn out process spread over forty years and nine months.  

as Dipesh Chakrabarty

Dipshit has shit for brains.  

has suggested, where does 1947 stand in that longer course of events?

It comes after 1946 & before 1948. Being able to count is worthy of a PhD in History.  

I shall offer here some new ways of thinking about 1947,

No you won't. You will offer meaningless shite.  

which suggest that while many (but not all) imperial structures of governance stayed in place after Independence,

None did. India, Pak, Burma etc. could do what they liked whether or not they exited the Commonwealth or retained Dominion status.  

Partition saw off many of the old social structures.

No. It saw off lots of people who were killed or who had to run away.  

Another major change was that the independent states in South Asia had goals and purposes that their imperial counterparts had never envisaged.

It is easy to envisage stuff. It isn't the case that Nehru turned into a cabbage much to Mountbatten's surprise. Jinnah, on the other hand, chose to become a carrot. Bugs Bunny ate him & said 'What's up, Doc'. The King Emperor was greatly shocked by this development.  

They derived their legitimacy from different sources and had to be seen to deliver different goods.

Ethnic cleansing? That's what they delivered.  

They were subject, therefore, to far greater and very different pressures from the imperial regimes they replaced.

Not really. The Viceroy was under pressure from the Secretary of State who was under pressure from Parliament. Nehru kept winning elections & thus was under little pressure from anybody.  

The way the nation states evolved as they faced these new challenges is, I argue, a crucial part of decolonisation.

No. It had nothing to do with it whatsoever. That's why there wasn't much 'evolution' in India- indeed, you had dynastic rule till assassination tempered autocracy. India became unitary and stayed unitary. Pakistan & Burma had military intervention & civil wars. India didn't, thought there were some localised insurgencies.  

And by focussing on some of the

stupid or meaningless  

questions raised by the recent historiography on South Asian decolonisation which have lent the subject fresh levels of empirical granularity and theoretical sophistication, I hope to pose new

stupid or meaningless  

issues for the field as a whole.

 1914–1922: From Flanders to Chauri-Chaura Colonial rule in India was a bricolage.

No. It was homogenous in the directly ruled areas & increasingly standardized in the protectorates.  

A congeries of complex and fluid relationships, it was never spread evenly across the subcontinent;

Just as British rule wasn't evenly spread over London. That's why there was more crime in some parts of the City.  

it penetrated some regions more deeply than others,

Because that is the nature of power. Basically, there is 'service provision discrimination' such that some get more protection than others. Sadly, in London now, you can get mugged in Mayfair just as easily as in Mile-End.  

catching particular social groups more intensely in ever shifting webs of collaboration and extraction.

Doctors pay more in tax than muggers. Sad.  

For purposes of analysis, three types of relationship might be identified.

There were two types of relationships- Indians were either British subjects or British protected subjects.  

First, there were the unequal and often uneasy alliances between the British imperial establishment and their so called collaborators, drawn from the Indian elites: princes, landlords, so called community leaders, mercantile elites, and high caste or ashraf educated Indians who helped govern the empire.

Fuck off! Plenty of such people were disloyal & actively trying to ally with Britian's enemies- e.g. the Aga Khan who was an admirer of Hitler. The true collaborators were guys paid by the Brits- i.e. civil servants, police officers, soldiers etc.  

Second, there were relationships based upon the extraction of labour:

e.g. whores who had to extract jizz from johns?  

peasants growing cash crops for export,

in return for money 

workers in the public and industrial sectors, bonded and indentured labourers on the plantations, lascars who travelled the high seas in the service of the imperial economy, sepoys who manned the Indian army, as well as huge cohorts of lowly constables, village chaukidars and patwaris who

got a bit of money for doing their job 

represented “the realities of rule . . . closer to the ground.”

Commie bullshit. Still, it is true that once Neo-Liberalism is crushed nobody will have to work. Donald Trump will come and wipe their asses for them. 

Third, and at the broadest level, there were the connections that existed between the Raj and its ordinary subjects who, more or less, obeyed the law and paid taxes.

Viceroy would wipe their bums.  

These were fragile linkages and bonds. Some were built on face to face interactions between rulers and the ruled; but most were rather more intangible relationships, deriving from notions of subjecthood, or namak, fealty to the hukum or will of the British sarkar. 

Did you know that 'salary' comes from the Latin word for salt? British people who work in return for wages are showing fealty to the employer whose salt they eat. What is the point of saying something about India which is also true of every other country at every period of history?  

Given how thinly the British presence was spread on the ground, Indian intermediaries

employees 

mediated between the Raj and its numerous subjects in almost every sphere of governance.

Given how thinly Donald Trump's presence is spread on the ground of the USA, he does not deliver your mail personally. An employee of an agency of the Federal Government does so. On the other hand, in the UK, Queen Victoria personally delivered all letters.  

Decolonisation in South Asia is best understood as

Westminster passing a law saying 'such and such country is now independent.' 

the intricate process by which these relationships unravelled,

Nobody knows what that process was. We do know what acts were passed by Westminster at different times.  

at different levels of imperial engagement and varying speeds, and across an array of locations. It was not, and could never have been, a smooth unilinear movement

Yet, that is what it was. Unlike economic processes, constitutional law is 'unilinear'.  

along the high road to freedom. Along the way there were starts and stops, spurts and lulls, with more crises and corners to be negotiated than open roads and clear destinations.

Rubbish! There was a straight line from 1860 to 1947.  

It is only by recognising the intricacies and complex interplays, both temporal and spatial, that we can begin to grasp what decolonisation was, and still is today.

Commie bullshit unless it is also RSS bullshit. We must decolonize India by banning English and ensuring every cow gains employment as a Joint Secretary in a Government Ministry.  

But when, and where, did that process begin?

London. It began with the formation of the East India Company. It ended with the Indian Independence Act passed in July 18, 1947,

With no singular origin for a process of this complexity,

Yes there is. I've just given it. Either a discipline has 'bright line' demarcations or it isn't a discipline. It is just idle chit chat.  

I will focus instead on critical junctures, moments of acceleration and of crisis.

She is too stupid to recognize any such things. The critical juncture was the fall of the Tzar. This signalled that the age of multi-ethnic Empires was over.  The British Empire might survive as a Commonwealth with a common defence policy. India would have to become self-administering and self-garrisoning. How long would this take? Some thought it might take a century of 'dyarchy'. But Willingdon in Madras thought Madras could proceed more rapidly to provincial autonomy. After that, like Canada, Australia, South Africa etc. the Indians would agree to form a Federal Government. 

The First World War and its aftermath – sadly still an understudied subject from Indian perspectives – was the first such major occasion when the concerns of Indians were propelled into an unprecedented confrontation with worldwide crises.

It was initially quite heartening for the Imperialists. India appeared loyal and ready to send troops & cash. But once the Tzar fell, it was obvious that even backward Asiatics didn't think God wanted them to die for some distant Emperor.  

For one, the war drew Britain into a head on collision with the Ottoman sultan and caliph of Islam in ways that deeply tested the loyalty to the Raj of India’s Muslims.

Not really. A Muslim former ICS officer was an effective propagandist for the Brits. Most Muslims wanted to show they were more loyal- and had greater martial ability- than the Hindus, if not the Sikhs.  

Not unlike the revolutionary Ghadar revolt,

There was no revolt. The Ghaddarites were mainly concentrated in the American West Coast. Khilafat spread after the war between 1919-1922. This suited the Brits who wanted the Ottoman Caliph to be their puppet. Incidentally a Khilafati tried to assassinate Ataturk whom the Caliph had sentenced to death.  

with which it was loosely connected, the Khilafat Movement was simultaneously local, national, and “global”: its most expansive goals, as Maia Ramnath has noted,

It was stupid shit. Ataturk got rid of the Caliphate & defeated the Greeks & the allies. Significantly, ht Soviets helped him. Indeed, the first country to recognize Saudi Arabia was the USSR.  

“could only really be imagined and enacted . . . outside the country.”

There was also the equally ridiculous 'hijrat'- i.e. emigration to Afghanistan. The Afghans weren't enthused.  

But it was also substantially located within India, in local communities, rallied by ulema, students, and journalists writing for a buoyant Urdu press, in a formidable agitation against the government. The war also sucked labour out of India and flung it abroad into strange lands. “Never before,” says Ravi Ahuja, “had rural people from the Indo Afghan frontier region and Nepal, from the Punjab and other military recruitment grounds of ‘British India’ engaged with European societies as intensively.”

There was a genuine danger of a spontaneous uprising. That's why the Brits brought in the Rowlatt Act. Gandhi started an agitation but called it off after Dyer massacred people in Jallianwallah Bagh. He then went on to lead Mulsim, Hindu & Sikh troops to victory in the third Afghan War.  

When Gandhi launched the non-cooperation movement, he wrote to the Viceroy saying he wouldn't withdraw the agitation even if violence occurred. He was lying. There was violence at Chauri Chaura & he unilaterally surrendered. In Egypt, a spontaneous uprising caused Allenby to demand UK recognise Egyptian independence (there had been a 'Veiled Protectorate') & bring back Saad Zaghloul. Ireland too achieved independence as did Afghanistan in 1922. But Gandhi had unilaterally surrendered. This meant that when Labour took power (as part of a coalition) in 1924, it didn't honour a previous pledge to give India independence. Olivier, not Wedgwood, was appointed Sec. of State for India. He soon became convinced that the Indians- Motilal & C.R Das- had shit for brains. The Brits would have to stay on.

I should mention the Moplah atrocities (massacre of Hindus) in Kerala. They caused South Indian politicians, like C.Sankaran Nair (who had condemned Jallianwallah Bagh) to whimper for some second Dyer to come to the rescue of the Hindus. He wrote a book titled 'Gandhi & anarchy'. The message was clear, Non-Violence was cool only so long as Pax Brittanica prevailed. Protest against the Brits by all means, but don't, for fuck's sake, let them leave unless (as Gandhi said at the Second Round Table Conference) they first hand over the Army to the INC. 

Ironically, however, Gandhi’s success in becoming the Mahatma of the masses compromised his control over the direction of the movement he had started.

No. His problem was that he had visited the place and collected money & enrolled Congress men there. This meant there was evidence he had participated in a 'conspiracy to wage war on the King Emperor'- i.e. he could be sent to the Andamans. Better to meekly go to prison on the much lesser charge of sedition. He cooperated with the prosecution by pleading guilty and asking for the maximum penalty. 

Why did Chauri Chaura happen? The answer is that the Majithia (Sikh) princely family had been awarded a big estate there in return for their loyalty during the Mutiny. The Sikh police chief there was unpopular. That is why policemen were attacked.  

The denouement came at Chauri Chaura, a village in the North Indian district of Gorakhpur. Inhabitants of this hamlet, convinced that the new utopia was just over the horizon, burnt hapless Indian policemen alive for standing in their way, putting their little station to the torch.

Why won't Joya tell us why policemen were the target here but not elsewhere?  

This dramatic instance of violence prompted Gandhi abruptly to call off Non cooperation. 

Why did he cooperate with the prosecution? He could have said 'I don't recognize the authority of this court. Fuck off back to Blighty you white bastids.' 

In January he had said

"Swaraj means, in the event of the foregoing demands (Khilafat and Justice for Punjab) being granted, full Dominion Status. The scheme of such swaraj should be framed by representatives duly elected in terms of the Congress constitution. That means four-anna franchise. Every Indian adult, male or female, paying four annas and signing the Congress Creed, will be entitled to be placed on the electoral roll. These electors would elect delegates who would frame the swaraj constitution. This shall be given effect to without any change by the British Parliament.

The Muslims might swallow this so long as Congress was allied with Khilafat. Once that alliance ended, Gandhi's demands would be opposed by everybody- Muslims, Justice Party (non Brahmin Madrasis), Princes, Akalis, Christians, etc. 

All his own financial supporters wanted was a deal with Manchester which they got ten years later (Mody-Lees agreement). 

After February 1922, Britain dictated the pace & scale of reform. First, the Rowlatt act was repealed because there was no need for it. Then in November 1923, General Elections in British India were held. Dyarchy could go forward but it was pretty useless. After Labour returned to power, Gandhi had a second chance which he muffed. Tory grandees then framed & passed the 1935 act which Churchill reviled. 

 Of course, the politics of Non cooperation floundered after this.

Indians realised that a spontaneous uprising- like that in Egypt- could succeed. But what would happen next? A Bolshevik uprising? Better to stick with the Brits who could supply 'the smack of firm government' till they got bored & handed over power (i.e. control of the army) to some barrister or the other.  

And of course, as scholars have noted, the end of non cooperation was followed by a decade of apparent calm. But the events between 1917 and 1922 represented a decisive shift in the relationship between rulers and ruled.

No. It represented a decisive shift in what people believed would happen if the Brits fucked off. Might there be Bolshevism or Ataturkism? In 1928, Ataturk replaced the sacred Arabic script with the 'la-deen' Latin alphabet. The Soviets were worse. They were killing priests & mullahs and closing down mosques & churches. The landed aristocracy had been massacred or chased away.  

Much had been damaged in the fragile web of imperial relationships.

Not really. By 1926 the new Viceroy's big problem was Hindu-Muslim riots, not the assassination of British officers. However, the UK had completely changed its conception of the relationship between London & the Dominions. India too was ceasing to be profitable. Best to hand over power & be rid of the headache.  

It was the first major crisis in the bumpy road to decolonisation.

One can draw a straight line from the Viceroyalty of Ripon to the Morley-Minto reforms & then the Montague-Chelmsford proposals & the supposed 'devolution' which was supposed to proceed apace in the Twenties. One might say there was a crisis in 1919- British troops were mutinous & Punjab was seething with unrest. Olivier saw that the Sikhs could be placated by getting rid of the Udasis Mahants even if this pissed off wealthy Bedis. It must be said, governance improved in the Punjab. British investment in canals had paid off. The people eagerly embraced education, thrift & enterprise. 

 The Interwar years – Deceleration? The Raj responded by devising novel strategies to reassert its authority.

No. London proceeded down a road dictated by British MPs. The Irish headache was over. The Indian headache was diminishing. If Canada doesn't want to send troops to fight Johnny Turk, we must respect their decision. The UK needed to focus on its own problems.  

It strove to hold on to power

No. It strove to transfer power to 'responsible', if not 'representative' hands. MPs didn't want to sit through boring discussions of peshkash or taqqawi. They needed to solve the problems afflicting Industry- in particular, they needed to deal with the threat of a 'General Strike'.  

by building new alliances and afforcing old ones.

The Princes were given a freer hand. More Indians were admitted to the higher ranks of the Civil Service. From 1918 onward, Indians were admitted to Sandhurst.  

The plan was to devolve, in two stages, a measure of power to some Indians in the provinces.

The Brits gave universal franchise to the Ceylonese in 1931. Indians could have got the same thing if the minorities hadn't objected.  

The goal of both the Government of India Acts of 1920 and 1935 was to recruit new collaborators in the provinces and strengthen the hand of old friends.

Why pretend the Brits were fucking Nazis recruiting 'collaborators' or Quislings?  

The British hoped to achieve this by giving certain provincial groups (men with wealth, land, and education) a share in provincial government,

women got the vote at the same time as men. Some princely states had universal franchise.  

and the right to raise and spend local taxes,

This existed, on paper, since Lord Ripon’s Local Self-Government Resolution of May 18, 1882. The problem was Indians don't like paying taxes. The 'Chirala-Pirala' deshtyag (i.e. abandoning homes & going to live in the Jungle) was a response to increased local cesses to pay for sewers, schools, etc. The greatness of Gandhi is that he said sewers were a bad thing. You should shit where you like and then use a small spade to cover over your faeces. Schools are very evil. If you send your kids to school they start demanding money to buy textbooks. Keep them at home and make them work for you. Hospitals are satanic. Doctors use them to spread diseases so as to increase their own earnings. If you fall ill, I will give you an enema. If that doesn't do the trick, I will take some wet mud and apply it to your body. If you wife falls sick, let her die. Medicine costs a lot of money. 

thereby fortifying their local power and patronage (and, it was hoped, their loyalty).

Very true. Cambridge University paid this lady some money & thus secured her loyalty. She would beat to death any fucking Oxonian she met.  

Historians have observed that this “retreat to the centre” worked for a while, at least in terms of quelling major disturbances.

The Brits didn't greatly care if Indians slaughtered each other. Sadly, the Indians cared even less.  

Provincial parties and provincial questions dominated India’s politics in the 1920s, much as the British had intended them to do.

No. The Brits were stupid enough to think that Indians would want to solve 'collective action problems' by raising taxes & spending money on improving infrastructure, education etc. with the result that Income would rise more than proportionately so that the burden of tax would fall- i.e. a virtuous circle would be created. Indians had no desire to do this save maybe in Punjab & to some extent in Madras & Bombay presidency.  

Until 1929, when Lord Simon’s

Sir John Simon. He became a Lord in 1940.  

visit to India heralded a new round of reforms, politics at the all India level appeared to have lost all momentum.

It was vigorous enough. The hope was that the Indians would show cohesiveness & thus the Simon Commission could convince Westminster to get behind Provincial Autonomy & preparation for a Federal India.  

Yet the interwar interlude watered down British sovereignty over India in subtle but significant ways. To make its strategies work, the Raj had to concede to the provinces the right to certain heads of revenue, degrading substantially its powers of extraction.

It would be fair to say the UK was only breaking even on India.  

Under the 1920 constitution, the centre in New Delhi had to transfer about £6 million to the provinces.

Nonsense! The Meston Settlement forced the provinces to pay 10 million quid to the centre. Madras was disproportionately taxed. We are still angry about it. The thing was scrapped by the end of the decade. 

It also began the “Indianisation” of government. In 1920, dyarchy, as this exercise in power sharing was called, gave Indian politicians in the provinces some say over certain areas of governance that today would be described as “development” (whether schools, sanitation, or roads), which were of vital importance to Indian lives in the localities, but which the Raj regarded as secondary to its core purposes.

Defence & Law & Order. It was literally a 'Night-Watchman' state. Sadly Indians didn't even want to pay the 'chowkidar' (night-watchman) tax.  

After the Government of India Act of 1935, the vote was increased sevenfold, to about thirty five million voters, who now could elect their own provincial governments presided over by Indian premiers.

Interestingly, the Commies did well in 1937- better than in 1946.  

But the terms of the 1935 Act ensured that these governments would be dominated by “communal majorities”.

New provinces- Sindh & Orissa- were created. Burma & Aden went their own way.  

This raised fears of permanent minority status among increasingly bitter and vocal political minorities, Hindu and Muslim alike, in different provincial settings: notably in the Punjab, Bengal, and the United Provinces.

This fear had already been expressed in the Twenties.  

In the elections of 1937 the Congress, revived by another round of civil disobedience led by Gandhi in the 1930s,

because of the abject failure of that movement- in particular the threat that the property of Congress members would be expropriated- Congress decided not to boycott the elections. Still, the Tories didn't expect them to win. 

won the support of most Hindu voters and came into office in every Hindu majority province in British India. In some Muslim majority provinces, “loyalists” did rather better, particularly in the Punjab where the cross communal Unionist Party came to power;

it was the landlord's party 

but in Bengal, the largest province in India, the “Krishak Praja” party,

the tenant's party 

backed by rural Muslims with anti establishment views, seized control.

No. It had to ally with the League or the Mahasabha. Hindu Bengalis think Nehru should have allied with Fazl ul Haq.  

This polarisation of provincial legislatures along communal lines would have far reaching implications in the 1940s.

The Muslim league claimed that Congress rule had hurt the Muslims who were being forced to chant Vande Mataram in the 'Nai Talim' schools. Hindus pointed out that nothing whatsoever was being taught in those schools.  

The Indianisation of government in the provinces whittled away, meanwhile, at the morale of British civil servants, who, as Bhattacharya has shown, found it hard to take orders from Indian ministers.

Only if they were utterly crap. Under Rajaji in Madras, morale improved. In fact the British ICS officers decided to voluntarily give up alcohol when prohibition was introduced though they had been offered medical permits to get booze.  

The “iron frame” of the Indian Civil Service, on the face of it still intact, was becoming less secure under the surface.

Not if the Ministers were good. But that is true of any country.  

Among civil servants, the introduction of popular government challenged their singular focus of loyalty.

No. The constitutional position was clear. The good news was that there was a clear chain of command. You can't be blamed for doing what you are ordered to do.  

Competing commitments to different political masters, the Raj on the one hand and provincial ministers on the other, forced government servants to make their allegiances “both more explicit and more flexible”.

Not really. If you had a shitty minister you could generally find some way to get posted elsewhere.  

This did not bode well for the empire.

Because it was turning into a Commonwealth. But for Gandhi's stupidity or cowardice it would have got what Ireland got in 1922. But that's exactly what the Indians didn't want.  

In the interwar years the Raj might have persuaded itself that it still controlled the “vital attributes of sovereignty” by beating a strategic retreat to the centre.

It was transferring power in the same manner that it had done in settler colonies.  

The viceroy continued to sit in splendour in his grand new viceregal lodge on Raisina Hill, apparently the commander of all he surveyed. But that was increasingly a chimera. The old balances had changed. By wresting fiscal autonomy from the treasury in London, Delhi had tipped the scales in India’s favour.

Nonsense! The Brits actually increased their control over the Indian economy as they themselves faced austerity. About 34 million pounds in gold was shipped from India over the course of the Thirties despite falling commodity prices. 

Meanwhile in the provinces British rule was starting to look rather less secure. 

Not as insecure as it looked to Whitehall. In 1932 the 'ten year rule' (i.e. the assumption there would be no war for ten years) was scrapped though rearmament began in earnest only after 1936. But, already, it was clear that air power would be decisive. In fact the UK wanted an offensive air doctrine. This meant the Empire counted for less & less. The Australians understood that they needed to befriend the Japanese. The Royal Navy couldn't fight a two front war. Even in the Great War, Japan had taken over some duties (even in the Mediterranean! ) from the Royal Navy. By 1938, the Brits were having to spend some of their own money on Indian defence. 

The Second World War stripped India of its best soldiers & military equipment. Moreover, the Hitler-Stalin pact meant that Indian Commies had an incentive to get arms and stage an uprising. The country was very vulnerable. Thankfully, most Commies were utterly shite. One who wasn't- and who helped Bose to get out of India- quickly became Ian Fleming's brother's best double agent after Hitler invaded the Soviet Union. 

Why didn't the Indians- seeing War approach- form a Federal Government so as to enrich themselves from Defence contracts & (later on) American largesse? The answer is that they were utterly shite. Gandhi in 1939 wrote that the Brits must not fuck off until they handed over the Army to Congress. Why? Because Congress is a Hindu party. Hindus believe in Ahimsa fairy & thus can't fight. If the Brits leave the meat-eating Muslim & the Punjabi (regardless of creed) & maybe also the Gurkhas will take over everything. Ahimsa fairy may protect the anal cherries of Dalits but that was about all it could do. 

My point is that no non-Congress careerist gained any value by allying with the Maha-crackpot. Still, the question remains, why did so many Indians eagerly join the Army or take jobs as policemen & jailors? The answer is that Britain always paid its debts- including pensions to ex-servicemen. Nobody could trust any Indian- more particularly if he was your brother or cousin- when it came to zar, zinn & zamin (gold, women, Land). 

Still, if the Japs hadn't attacked Pearl Harbour, Eastern India would have had to be abandoned to the Japanese. One reason they wanted it was to stop American supplies to the Chinese 'over the hump'. American air-power enabled Gen. Slim to by pass the Japs (he was resupplied by air) who quietly starved to death in the jungles of Burma. Gandhi, fool that he was, had been wrong to bet on the Japs & demand the Brits 'Quit India'. At this point, something unexpected happened. Wavell- the man who brutally crushed the '42/'43 resistance- decided India was indefensible. He proposed the evacuation of the White population! Churchill was dismayed. The man was a second Allenby! Even Atlee found him defeatist. Still, Wavell's authority as a military man forced even the die-hard Tories to concede a full & genuine transfer of power. Atlee authorised Mountbatten to get out even if he didn't have a deal. Just transfer power to the Princes & the Provincial Premiers. Get the Whites out & let the place revert to anarchy- if that's what the Indians want. Thankfully, the Hindus had learned from their history that they must hang together against the Muslim menace. That is why India survives to this day. 

Was Partition inevitable? Yes- once Muslim officers decided they would be better off in Pakistan. Liaquat Ali Khan, as Finance Minister, was able to use Muslim civil servants to paralyse the administration. Sardar Patel, the Home Minister, was snookered. After 'Direct Action Day'- i.e. the Bengali Premier's attempt to secure Calcutta for Pakistan by massacring Hindus- the die was cast.

Astonishing as it may seem in retrospect, no one expected the carnage that followed.

A lot of it was carefully planned. Still, Indians are always making grand plans. They are lazy people. Nothing may come of it.  

No one anticipated the refugees, the looting, the mayhem, and the massacres. A state and army in the simultaneous process of a transfer of power, and dividing itself into two parts, was ill prepared to cope with the riots that spread across the Punjab, killing three quarters of a million people.

It would have been easy to organize an exchange of population supervised by troops from other areas- e.g. Madrasis in Punjab & Punjabis in Bengal. The other thing was that the local administration should have externed or incarcerated known incarcerators. In two or three cases a mob should have been machine gunned. The thing was easy enough to do. But why bother?  

Contrary to Devji’s assertion that Pakistan was intended to be a “Muslim Zion”, there is little evidence to suggest that Jinnah expected all of India’s Muslims to migrate there, or that he welcomed them, and mounting evidence to suggest that the governments of both Pakistan and India were desperate to stop the tides of refugees spilling over the new borders and engulfing their nascent states.

They genuinely didn't give a fuck. It must be said, Punjabi refugees were seen as people with fighting spirit. Help them & you increase your own strength. Bengalis are useless- more particularly if, like J.N Mandal, they supported the Muslim League. Let them fuck off & die in some jungle in Orissa.  

These upheavals have been the subject of much scholarly attention.

We picture them furiously fisting themselves as they gloat over atrocity stories. 

Some historians, notably Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, challenge what they see as an overdrawn emphasis on the impact of Partition, overshadowing the moment of freedom.

Indians didn't care then but may pretend to do so now coz the Brits weep over it.  

Research has shown that in a myriad ways refugees drove change. 

In which case there would have been change on both sides of the border. There wasn't. Consider Madras. It had zero refugees but has changed greatly. Bengal too has changed- for the worse. 

 Partition profoundly shaped and marked citizenship in India and Pakistan,

No it didn't. That's why Pakistan broke up.  

and later in Bangladesh.

Because Pakistani citizenship didn't mean Pakistan Army wouldn't rape and kill you.  

It framed notions of belonging,

the integration of the Princely States did that as did the linguistic reorganization of States in India & the replacement of Urdu with Hindi & so forth.  

and coloured attitudes towards government servants and the state itself.

Not really. Speaking generally civil servants had greater power till the political class asserted itself.  

As Gould, Sherman, and Ansari have pointed out, assumptions about the loyalty of officers and men were fundamentally altered by Partition everywhere in the subcontinent, even in its most remote district.

No. They remained the same. Morarji Desai had been in Provincial Civil Service in Godhra. There were riots there. Since he was Hindu, he was accused of partiality towards Hindus. There really is nothing new under the Sun.  

Government workers who did not belong to the majority community were particularly vulnerable to charges of disloyalty and corruption, even as popular perceptions of corruption and partiality among bureaucrats grew more commonplace.

Corruption would increase but controls on market forces make that inevitable.  

The discourses of “corruption” and “anti corruption”, Gould notes, were “often used as a means of creating or consolidating social advantage”;

the issue of which community was disproportionately getting Government jobs had been around since the 1880s.  Did you know that 120 percent of all Judges in the Miss Teen Tamil Nadu Beauty pageant belong to Iyengar community? That is why I didn't win that coveted title last year. 

and in a context where flux and change intensified these struggles for advantage, the discourse of corruption undermined public faith in government itself. It quickly led to a mood of disillusionment and put a dampener on the euphoria of freedom, a mood brilliantly captured in R.K. Narayan’s Malgudi novels.

Fuck off! Malgudi (Mysore) was not affected by partition. Indeed, it wasn't affected very much by anything at all. That was its charm.  

The adoption in 1950 of universal adult suffrage was another remarkable and dramatic change in India.

Not really. Burma got it earlier. Ceylon got it in 1931. Getting rid of separate electorates meant Muslims lost political influence.  

(Whether this would have been achievable so quickly without the changes Partition wrought is moot.)

Muslims aren't terribly keen on Democracy. 

As Shani notes, this involved deliberate “ruptures from colonial practice”

e.g. Viceroy wiping his own bum. Nehru never wiped his own bum. He requested aid from Eisenhower for bum-wiping purposes with the firm intention of developing indigenous bum-wiping technology & infrastructure by 2047. True Independence means being able to wipe your own bum. This is why we need a Planning Commission so as to implement Amartya Sen's capability approach to bum-wiping in a truly inclusive & democratic manner.  

which had deemed full democracy “impracticable” in Indian circumstances.

What we got was Dynasticism till autocracy was tempered by assassination.  

Bold in imagining “all eligible adults as procedurally equal individuals”,

which they already were. 

with an equal right to vote,

eligible voters had always had an equal right to vote. Eligibility had expanded, that is all.  

India’s constitution makers also made provisions for affirmative action to “uplift” the “downtrodden” scheduled castes and tribes.

This existed in the 1935 bill. Ambedkar's genius was to strip this benefit from Muslims, Sikhs & Buddhists (Christians were already barred).  

While scholars

useless shitheads 

identified certain continuities in this approach with colonial constitutionalism and its communal safeguards, many agree that the 1950 constitution, and the rights and redresses it gives citizens, have collectively assumed a status almost larger than life in India’s public culture.

Some cretins talk off the constitution as a 'holy book' & gas on about 'constitutional morality' (which only applies to those who hold office in constitutionally mandated bodies.)  

Rohit De vividly describes how “a document with alien antecedents

The Constitution itself subscribes to the doctrine of constitutional autochthony (i.e. all laws are deemed to be indigenous) which was borrowed from the Irish.  

that was the product of an elite consensus” became “part of the lived experience of ordinary Indians”, becoming “the dominant field for Indian politics”.

Fuck off! The lived experience of ordinary Indians was that the Constitution didn't mean shit. Anyway, the First Amendment made this amply clear. 

The constitution’s procedural provisions, which “empower citizens to challenge laws and administrative actions before the courts, and greatly enhance the powers of judicial review”, have allowed the citizen to have her say in “an elite conversation”.

The right of judicial review was firmly established under the Raj- vide. Emperor v Burah (1877)  

Writ petitions

first recorded as used in 1774 

have forced state authorities to defend their policies before courts, and the government has suffered huge reverses in these bruising encounters.

Only if it gives a shit about the matter. Getting a judgment is one thing. Enforcing it is another altogether.  

Partition did not greatly affect India. One could say that Punjab & Bengal lost influence while the cow-belt gained it. But that had been happening since the early nineteen twenties when the boycott of the Prince of Wales was strongest in UP & Bihar. 

I suppose, the Kashmir issue is the biggest legacy but the truth is there would have been a problem there sooner of later. At the time of second Round Table Conference, the Maharaja had called in British troops to put down a rebellion in Poonch. The Brits stayed on & thus, when they left, the place would probably have gone to Pakistan in any case. Still, Kashmir doesn't greatly matter to most Indians though, no doubt, Modi benefits by periodically 'mowing the grass' with air-strikes on terrorist training camps across the border. 

Joya has something odd to say about the only important legacy of Partition-

None of this is intended to suggest that conflict was no part of the relationship between India and Pakistan. Of course it was. Kashmir was already a huge bone of contention in the early months of 1948. Junagarh, Hyderabad, and the Indus Waters dispute would soon deeply compromise the fragile trust between these two nations.

Pakistan could do nothing about Junagarh & Hyderabad. America solved the Indus water problem. The Pakistanis jumped the gun on Kashmir but probably got all they could safely keep. Nehru's stupidity & the Army's poor showing in '62 may have encouraged Ayub (some say it was actually Bhutto) to invade in '65. After '71, Pak Army decided it needed 'force multipliers' against both Afghanistan & India. This was the 'mard-e-momin' (Islamic superman) doctrine so loved by Field Marshall Munir which now means that Pak is fighting both India & Afghanistan while keeping Imran Khan in jail. 

It is obvious that Pak Army is keeping this issue alive to consolidate its power. Munir got promoted & ensured the Army got more money after Modi punished Pakistan last year. Now Hamas, having been beaten to a pulp in Gaza, is building relations with jihadi outfits in Pakistan. 70,000 Gazans are now enjoying 72 virgins each in Heaven. Why not join them there? According to Trump, Khameni has been killed. It appears backing Hamas can get you to jannat much more quickly than you anticipated. 

But the point here is that both sides had developed a pragmatic understanding that each of these conflicts had to be resolved,

No. Pakistan Army has the even more pragmatic understanding that it will get less money if the conflict is resolved.  

or if that was not possible, at least contained.

India bombs Pakistan & it runs howling to Uncle Sam. Trump says Sharif thanked him for saving the lives of 35 million Pakistanis.  

Moreover, these areas of conflict must be understood alongside the very significant areas of agreement between the two sides.

Joya can't understand shit. Suppose there was a historian who wasn't utterly stupid. The dude would be earning lots of money as a consultant. He wouldn't be teaching cretins.  

The contrapuntal relationship between the notorious disagreements which have dominated the conventional narrative on Indo Pakistan affairs and their less well known, but arguably more substantial agreements, calls, as this essay has suggested, to be explored more fully, and to be better understood.

It is understood by smart people- not historians.  Still, we must understand that 'legacy of partition' made some people too stupid & ignorant to be anything else. 



Friday, 21 July 2023

Joya Chatterji joyless legacy


Which was the first non-Settler Colony to become independent? This is a tricky question. Egypt might appear to have become independent in 1922, but it was never a colony and, in any case, Britain retained a lot of power. Something similar could be said of Iraq, a League of Nations 'mandated territory' which became independent in 1932 though the Brits retained a lot of power and toppled the pro-Axis regime during the Second World War. Iran was never a colony but, once again, the Brits had the capacity to exile the Monarch if he showed signs of being pro-Axis.

I suppose the Philippines, which became independent in July 1946 was the first non-Settler ex-colony to become fully independent. The French, the Dutch and the Portuguese were foolish enough to try to resist decolonization, but America and England had seen the writing on the wall- or, rather, done the arithmetic- and decided to get out before they were driven out or, even, incurred much of a financial loss.

Joya Chatterji, in 'Partition's Legacy,' writes

Decolonisation was a global process whose scale, pace, and implications are not best captured by a regional study.

Indeed. It was only around 1917 that it became obvious that the age of multi-ethnic Empires was over.  The inter-war period, more particular after the Wall St. Crash, was one where everybody did stupid shit. Post Smoot-Hawley, there was a revival of 'Imperial Preference' type arguments for Colonization. Keynes helped propagate this foolishness. In his 'Economic consequences' he had warned that Germany would starve unless it grabbed land to its East. This was because, Keynes thought diminishing returns to agriculture had set in and the US was already a net food importer! I suppose one may mention the Lees-Mody agreement (i.e. the deal between Mumbai & Manchester) as pushing Japan further down an expansionist path. But, the truth is, gangster regimes are going to do crazy gangster shit sooner or later regardless of wider economic or geopolitical trends.  

So what, one might ask, is gained by approaching the process from the perspective of South Asia?

India could have got what Ireland and Afghanistan and Egypt had got in 1922. But the Indians didn't really want the Brits to depart. They wanted to pretend to be fighting the Brits with might and main while either enriching themselves or quietly sulking in jail. In the end, it was the Brits who brusquely pulled the flush on the shitshow that was Indian politics.  

There are, I believe, compelling reasons for giving decolonisation in the region special attention. India was the first colony to achieve independence,

No. That was the Philippines. During the Great Depression, the Americans woke up to the fact that people from that beautiful country were smart and could take jobs from Whites. So as to close the door to immigration, the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934 set a ten year deadline for full Independence.  

albeit as two separate nation states, India and Pakistan. Britain’s abrupt withdrawal from India after the Second World War – so swift that many have denounced it as a scuttle – raised questions that have helped frame the debate about decolonisation, not just in India but elsewhere. Did Britain jump or was it pushed?

Sir Henry Wilson, Britain's Army Chief, saw that Britain did not have the troops to keep India, Egypt, Ireland- even England, in the event of a Bolshevik uprising. His farewell talk to the War College was titled 'The Passing of Empire'. This was in 1921. Had Gandhi not unilaterally surrendered in February 1922, India would have got the sort of cosmetic Independence Egypt got. Perhaps, the 'big-gun' Princes would have taken turns presiding over some sort of cobbled together Central Government, while, instead of dyarchy, there would have been rapid transition to Provincial autonomy. Indeed, Willingdon, as Governor of Madras, thought Madras was ready for it.

Gandhi made a silly excuse to break with the Muslims because he genuinely feared them. Hindus like him had a fatalistic belief in the superior martial spirit and cohesiveness of Islam. In 1939, just when War broke out, Gandhi wrote an article saying since Congress was a Hindu party and since Hindus are wedded to Ahimsa, if the Brits left without handing control of the Army to Congress, then the Punjabis and Muslims would overrun the country. It wasn't till it looked like the Japs would replace the Brits as the protector of the Hindus that Gandhi told the Brits to 'Quit India'. He changed his mind after the Japs started losing. But, he firmly believed that Hindus should appease Muslims as much as possible so that when they took over, they might prove merciful.  

If it jumped, was the prime agency of decolonisation situated in the metropolis, as some historians argue? In their view, Attlee’s Labour government chose to “transfer power” to independent nations from a Britain battered by war and mired in debt, thereby engineering a convenient “escape” from their Indian empire, while retaining, so it was hoped, informal influence over the region.

Mountbatten retained influence in New Delhi till Nehru's death in 1964. After that, he was of no further use to Number 10.  

Atlee could have off set the UK's debt to the subcontinent against British financial claims. As the debtor, London had the whip-hand. Still, the Indian affection for England appeared like infantile dependence. 

Others who insist that Britain was pushed, by contrast, are more attentive to local or “peripheral” forces and pressures:

Wavell, as Viceroy, was indeed defeatist. But, the fact is, Westminster was sick and tired of India. The hope was that the Indians could cobble together a Federal Government on the basis of the 1935 Act and Westminster's headache would end. The alternative, which Atlee was ruthless enough to contemplate, was to simply transfer power to whoever was around to take it- i.e. Princes and Provincial Premiers- and to evacuate the White population. 

Why did Gandhi- or, more to the point, his financial backers- surrender in 1922? The answer is obvious. Imperialism was dead but Nationalism was based on language and religion- with religion trumping language. This was shown by the fact that Greek speaking Muslims went to Turkey while Turkish speaking Christians were assigned to Greece. The partition of Ireland was a little more complicated because many Southern Protestants were loyal to the Republic. Still, the message for India was clear. If the Brits left precipitately, there was a risk of communal violence on the one hand and Chinese style War-Lordism on the other. 

Once the Indian industrialists did a deal with Manchester, there was no money on the table for intransigence in India- as Nehru bitterly complained. India was on the same trajectory as the Philippines with just a one year time lag. 

Joya, with typical Bengali bigotry and bombast, writes

In arriving at this historic decision (viz. Partition) there was a rare unanimity between Congress leaders: liberals, socialists, and the hard men of the Hindu right all backed the high command’s line.

Because Hindus and Sikhs refused to remain part of Provinces where Muslims were in the overall majority. In any case, there had been big population exchanges after both World Wars and nobody wanted any sizable 'Sudenten' type minorities within their borders.  

It also had the support of Hindu nationalists in Bengal – the largest Muslim majority province – who refused to be subjected to “Muslim tyranny”

Why the scare quotes? Hindus have actually been ethnically cleansed from East Bengal.  

and demanded a partition (ironically not dissimilar to Curzon’s partition of 1905)

no irony was involved. The 'buddhijivis' had previously thought they could dominate the Province. But they were as stupid as shit. They will be squeezed out of West Bengal sooner or later. 

that would give them a homeland of their own inside a divided India. 
The departing viceroy,

was Wavell. Mountbatten was sent in with a clear mission- get out within a year. He did it in half the time. Azad, who hated him, has to admit that this Jolly Jack Tar was a wiz at admin. He also understood the importance of ceremonial. Thus, he got the 'natural' (i.e. non-arbitrary) solution militated for by the 1946 election result- viz. Partition. Jinnah didn't have long to live and thus took the post of Governor General of the new State rather than throw a spanner in the works by backtracking. 

Mountbatten, lacked the vision or the will to resist a solution that offered Britain a quick exit from a desperate and dangerous situation.

Joya does not understand how the British Constitution works. Even the King, not to speak of Governors or Viceroys, have to do what the Cabinet- representing the Crown in Parliament- tells them to do. In the case of a soldier or sailor, the option of resigning so as to preserve one's popularity or reputation, would be considered dereliction of duty. Mountbatten had been given a shitty job. But he did it with aplomb and, later on, was careful to project himself as having shown leadership. Had he not done so, Atlee's policy would have been impugned. As things stand, Britain is not damaged if some handsome Aristocrat is blamed for vanity and ignorance and myopia etc. Indeed, Mountbatten showed his patriotism and sense of public service by taking credit for something rather discreditable about Atlee and the Labour party.   

With his particular mix of opportunism and vainglory,

This is nonsense. Mountbatten knew nothing about India. Atlee had been part of the Simon Commission and, in 1938, had shown Nehru Labour's plan for India which, as Nehru said, gave the INC 'everything it wanted'. The trouble was that the INC had shat the bed during the War. The Muslim League had not. Gandhi, with typical maladroitness, had made Jinnah his equal. The 1946 election result confirmed this outcome. Thus Mountbatten got Nehru the best deal he could get. Furthermore, Radcliffe was pressurised to draw the boundary in India's favour as even Hindu Bengali historians recognize. It is a different matter that Nehru and the INC were so utterly shite that by the end of Nehru's life, Pakistan, which was as poor but much smaller than India, thought it could defeat that country in battle and help itself to a Kashmir which Nehru would probably have surrendered had he lived.  

he persuaded London to accept the Congress demand for a limited partition,

London knew that the Indians hadn't objected to Buddhist Burma going its own way (incidentally, Hindu Manipur was given the option of joining Burma but chose India) and that Hindu Bengalis and Hindu and Sikh Punjabis preferred partition to living under Muslim majority rule. In other words, it was obvious that Religion would be the basis of post-colonial states in the sub-continent. Mountbatten was discreet enough not to mention religion and, later on, to make Jinnah the bad guy. He also shielded Atlee though I believe he was more vehement in this matter when there was a Labour Prime Minister at Number 10. But it is absurd to think that any Viceroy could act as a pro-Consul and implement his own policy in India.  

pushed it through, and presented it to India and the world as his own idea.

Mountbatten and Atlee both knew that the real danger lay in Provincial and Princely revolts against the 'barristocrats'. The sub-continent could have degenerated into Warlordism punctuated by Maoist peasant insurgencies. Instead, India and Pakistan became deeply boring shitholes administered by 'Macaulay's bastards' or else faux Sandhurst type military officers. 

Joya thinks Partition and the refugee problem had a big impact on India. This is foolish. The vast majority of Indians were Hindu and were wholly unaffected by the refugee problem. West Bengal would have turned to shit anyway because buddhijivis are as stupid as shit. East Punjab would have risen up, because Punjabis are sensible people- even if they have a PhD in Econ.  

For good and ill, 1947 ushered in large changes to “the everyday states” of the subcontinent. Partition profoundly shaped and marked citizenship in India and Pakistan, and later in Bangladesh.

It made no fucking difference to 95 percent of Hindus. The one change was that subjects of Princely States became British subjects on accession.  

It framed notions of belonging, and coloured attitudes towards government servants and the state itself.

Only a tiny percentage of Indians were refugees. Nothing changed as far as 'attitudes' to anything were concerned. 

As Gould, Sherman, and Ansari have pointed out, assumptions about the loyalty of officers and men were fundamentally altered by Partition

but the problem of disloyalty was more acute in 1946 than 1948. Once a Muslim had made his election, the matter was settled though, no doubt, in India, Muslim officers would never be put in charge of anything strategic or possibly controversial.  

everywhere in the subcontinent, even in its most remote district. Government workers who did not belong to the majority community were particularly vulnerable to charges of disloyalty and corruption, even as popular perceptions of corruption and partiality among bureaucrats grew more commonplace.

This had been true even twenty or thirty years previously. Morarji was forced out of the Provincial Civil Service because he was accused of partiality to Hindus in Godhra.  

What was novel was harassment by the Custodian of Evacuee Property.

The discourses of “corruption” and “anti corruption”, Gould notes, were “often used as a means of creating or consolidating social advantage”;

The discourse of corruption first made itself felt in my ancestral District back in the 1840's. By the 1890s there were plenty of pamphlets and posters accusing this official or that of corruption or being under the thumb of their wives or some other such nonsense. Sensible officials ignored this sort of thing because it would turn out that the thing had been written by the sixteen year old grand-nephew of your own Munim or Munshi. 

and in a context where flux and change intensified these struggles for advantage, the discourse of corruption undermined public faith in government itself.

Fuck off! Even in the time of Kautilya, Indians had zero faith in any type of government. 

It quickly led to a mood of disillusionment and put a dampener on the euphoria of freedom,

Malnourishment has that effect.  

a mood brilliantly captured in R.K. Narayan’s Malgudi novels.

What fucking Refugee problem did Mysore face? Anyway, Malgudi didn't change after Independence because Provincial Autonomy already existed when Narayan was first published. Compare 'Murugan the Tiller' with 'Swami'. There is no English umpire in the latter. For all practical purposes, the English had left or were a purely ornamental presence. One interesting aspect of British rule was that an Eighth Standard Pass, like VP Menon, could become Reform Commissioner purely on the basis of ability. Under Nehru, only the most brilliant Cambridge graduates got to fuck up the Economy. RK Narayan and Laxman understood this aspect of the comedy of elite Indian politics. Joya Chatterji does not. As an immigrant to this country, she feels her job is to teach the descendants of immigrants like herself that Whitey be Debil. It is outrageous that many White peeps are still refusing to at least emulate the zebra by painting black stripes on their skins.