Showing posts with label Gauri Vishvanathan.. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gauri Vishvanathan.. Show all posts

Thursday, 20 January 2022

Brandon Byrd foolishly taking Priyamvada Gopal at her demented word

 Brandon R Byrd, an Assistant Professor of History at Vanderbilt, may well be of slave descent. He is certainly justified in believing that his ancestors contributed much to every aspect of the development of his Nation- including its political and juristic ideas. Priyamvada Gopal is not of slave descent. She only recently immigrated to the West. Her ancestors contributed to Hindu, not Western, culture. But she has repudiated that ancestral culture of hers. Ludicrously, she is trying to make out that her own deep deracination and antaganomia somehow created or contributed to its own entirely Western genesis. This is on a par with Idi Amin claiming to be the King of Scotland on the grounds that he had pissed off the Queen by deporting British Asians and thus must be greatly loved by the Scots who, I need hardly say, were being beaten and raped by the Duke of Edinburgh.  


I believe Amin got some of his soldiers to play the bagpipes and march around in kilts so as to assert his claim to the Stone of Destiny. Gopal isn't yet claiming that the gown of the Oxford don is actually a type of Kanjeevaram Sari, or that God Save the King was originally a composition of M.S Subbalaxmi ,but, like Idi Amin, she has made herself obnoxious to a large cross-section of British people. Yet, in the BBC Comedy Series, 'Goodness Gracious Me', which aired before Gopal arrived in the UK, the stereotype of the elderly, uneducated. British Asian who claims that everything in the West was actually invented in India had already been squeezed dry of comic potential. On the other hand, it must be admitted that another South Indian 'scholar'- Gauri Vishvanathan- had made a career for herself in America, while Gopal was still an undergraduate in India,  by egregiously claiming that English literature was first invented as an academic subject in India and then exported to the UK for some fell reason. This was cool because back in the Eighties, a lot of American tourists were under the impression that the Indians in the UK were the aboriginal inhabitants. They must live on Reservations and thus have the right to set up Casinos. Sadly, this meant that me and my friends- who had found that some London Casinos were the cheapest places to drink after hours and, what's more, provided a free buffet- were constantly being accosted by angry Mid-Westerners who thought we'd fixed the slot machines. 

Byrd is unlikely to be quite so naive. Yet he writes of the Gopal's 'Insurgent Empire'-

The mythmaking began in 1808.

There was no myth. The Slave Trade was actually abolished.  

Soon after the Parliament of the United Kingdom passed an Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, the English abolitionist Thomas Clarkson published the first history of the movement that had led to the ban on the trafficking of enslaved Africans within the British Empire. It was a testament to British benevolence. A tribute to Christian virtue. “The abolition of the Slave-trade took its rise, not from persons, who set up a cry for liberty when they were oppressors themselves,

African potentates who sold slaves did not demand the end of this cruel trade. Indeed, they were vocal in their opposition to the new Law. By contrast China and Japan had taken grave exception to Europeans shipping slaves from their territories across the seas even though they continued to practice slavery themselves. One reason both China and Japan became insular and sought to greatly restrict contact with European fleets was because, though oppressors themselves, they didn't want their people to be a permanent slave class in far off parts of the globe. 

It is a fact that some people who were engaged in this loathsome trade became abolitionists purely because of the influence of the Christian religion. Some were indeed British. Moreover, apart from Christian principles, they also appealed to national notions of benevolence and fair play. Clarkson was not lying. He may have over-egged the cake somewhat, but there is no 'myth-making' here whatsoever. It is a fact that African communities which enslaved and sold Africans continued to do so into the Twentieth Century.  

nor from persons who were led to it by ambition or a love of reputation among men,

Again, this is true. Wilberforce, though a good orator had not sought any high office. Arguably, his eccentricities and essentially conservative instincts would not have fitted him for any other role than the one he in fact occupied- viz. an evangelical Christian retaining a place in a political sphere whose morality and legitimacy he gravely doubted. 

but where it was most desirable, namely, from the teachers of Christianity in those times,” Clarkson proclaimed.

Clarkson knew whereof he spoke. He had recruited Wilberforce for the good cause. His contemporaries considered Clarkson to have given an accurate enough account in this respect.

In his telling, the inspiration for abolitionism had risen naturally from the same people who had dominated the transatlantic slave trade during the preceding century and would maintain colonial slavery for another three decades.

It is a fact that some who regretted their involvement in this despicable trade turned to evangelical Christianity and thus, sometimes through the intervention of more erudite divines, like Clarkson, they gained abolitionist champions like Wilberforce.

As historian Christopher Leslie Brown argues, the value of a narrative of abolitionism that celebrated British virtue and ignored enslaved resistance was crystal clear to Britons of the late Victorian and Edwardian eras.

Because Africans wanted to sell Africans to White men or Arabs or anyone else who would pay. That's why the only narrative possible was that the British, for some reason of their own, would use their very powerful Navy to fuck you up if you tried to get into this line of work. 

 While colonial subjects in Great Britain's global empire and their allies in the metropole condemned the many manifestations of the violence and exploitation foundational to colonial rule,

Colonial subjects did no such thing unless they wanted to go to jail. One or two- like Dadhabhai Naoroji- could get away with it because they had plenty of money and could even get into Parliament.  

Violence is foundational to any rule whatsoever. That's why it isn't safe to try to rape the Post Man or the clerk at the DMV. As for exploitation, babies exploit the fuck out of us. Condemning this sort of stuff is stoooopid. 

British intellectuals recast imperialism as the natural outgrowth of their antislavery heritage.

No. Imperialism already existed. As part of 'the scramble for Africa', suppressing the slave trade was mentioned. But that was a late nineteenth century development and Britain's East African possessions were never particularly profitable. Germany certainly lost money on Tanganyika.  

They insisted that the British Empire had once undermined its own economic self-interest by acting so charitably on behalf of enslaved and trafficked Africans in 1808 and declared that it now delivered civilization to the world's backward races. They wrote in the service of nation and empire, “almost,” as the Trinidadian scholar Eric Williams would note wryly, “as if Britain had introduced Negro slavery solely for the satisfaction of abolishing it.”

Williams was from the Caribbean and was reflecting on the sort of shite he was taught at school. But the Caribbean was a very small part of the British Empire though, no doubt, it had once been the most profitable part. However, by the time another brilliant Trinidadian scholar- V.S Naipaul- began publishing, it was clear that William's fundamental thesis was wrong. Empire existed because different tribes or ethnicities didn't get along with each other. For a slave trade to exist, it was enough for there to be no naval hegemon capable of suppressing the atrocious thing. 

I should point out that Britain had not 'introduced Negro slavery'. Africans did that. Britain got involved in the slave trade so as to gain revenue to pay for the Navy that was vital to its own defense. Unlike Portugal, Britain had not brought 'negro' or Chinese or Indian or other slaves back to their own islands. But then Portugal itself had abolished slavery within its European territories during the second half of the eighteenth century. 

By the mid-twentieth century, a teleology of slavery and empire was well established.

Nonsense! It could be argued that Empires turn warring tribes into nations and thus there is a teleology whereby Empires dissolve into Nation States. Similarly, it could be argued that slavery has a teleology whereby the descendants of slaves become a mobile working class with some differentiation in terms of work specialization. However the only 'teleology' linking slavery and empire would be the one whereby 'Slave dynasties' displace the Emperors who can no longer afford to pay off their Praetorian guard of barbarians.  

Even as British politicians including Prime Minister Harold Macmillan recognized the inexorable tide of decolonization, they characterized that phenomenon as a mere repetition of “the processes which gave birth to the nation states of Europe.”

Which had to do with the collapse of Empires after they had fulfilled their historical mission of wielding warring tribes into Nations.

The British had stirred “national consciousness in peoples who have for centuries lived in dependence upon some other power.”

Because they were tribal or clannish or- like the Indians- hopelessly divided by Religion. 

 It was colonial rule that allowed Africans, an inferior people capable of imitation but not innovation, to catch up to a much earlier stage of European political development.

Sadly, the European view at that time was that Africans were capable of innovation- of a mischievous sort- but not Japanese style imitation. Indeed, that view may well persist to this day. 

In this telling, decolonization was conservative rather than radical; a continuation, not a departure.

The fact is, a lot of such polities- Guyana, Zanzibar etc- lurched to the Left before slowly repenting 'innovations' of a wholly mischievous type. Communist China aint sponsoring that type of shit anymore though no doubt Venezuela is welcome to stew in its own juice.  

It was the natural end of a natural process whose inevitable outcome—the postcolonial nation-state—was a European invention.

Because Nigeria was actually an African invention? Believe me, Africans aint stupid. They laugh heartily at academics who make foolish claims.

In her most recent book, Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent (2019), Priyamvada Gopal, professor of postcolonial studies in the Faculty of English at the University of Cambridge, illuminates two intertwined aspects of British imperial history: colonial rebellion and metropolitan dissent.

Gopal is wholly ignorant. Her work is funny- at least for fellow South Indian Brahmins- precisely for that reason.  

Building on the foundational work of black radical scholars such as Williams

who wasn't radical at all as Trinidad's Premier. Even VS Naipaul- a relative of whose had supported Williams at a crucial point- couldn't be too acerbic about him. Still, the fact is, Trinidad and Guyana would have been better off backing policies favorable to the conservative, rural, East Indian rather than pursue the chimera of 'Black Power' in some 'Socialist' format to gull an urban proletariat who soon turned to the drug cartels as being less essentially fucked in the head.

and C. L. R. James,

another West Indian Leftist from a wholly insignificant part of the world. These were 'Mimic Men' with a vengeance. 

in conversation with contemporaries including Antoinette Burton,

a nice white lady who knows shit about shit 

Gopal refuses that narrative in which colonialism is characterized as a self-correcting device and emancipation and decolonization are represented as gifts given to enslaved and colonized people or even as the ends of slavery and empire.

Gopal is Indian. The fact is Indian people paid the East India Company to provide public goods- Defense and Law and Order- but, being Indian, occasionally suggested that they should themselves receive money for letting Whitey do the heavy lifting. This culminated in the Nehruvian begging-bowl. India, despite being an agricultural country, demanded America feed it and- after the Chinese invasion- also defend it and wipe its bottom on a regular basis. It was only when the Americans tried to get India's support for their Vietnamese misadventure, that India did a defense deal with the Soviets (which involved paying cash for armaments) and permitted its farmers to grow more food. But this also sealed the doom of the Indian Leftist because whining about Whitey won't magically produce either food or pay for S-400 missiles. Thus Gopal has had to emigrate.  

She recognizes subaltern resistance as constant and consequential—as central to self-liberation and the history of anticolonial politics and thought.

But everybody knew that the Indians could always have thrown out the Whites at any time from any region of the sub-continent. The only reason this did not happen was that the alternative was worse. The British Umpire didn't come cheap but, so long as the Indians were lazy and divided by Religion, they did represent value for money- at least while Britannica ruled the waves.  


Part I of Insurgent Empire begins by reinterpreting the impact of what Gopal considers two exemplary crises of British empire: the Sepoy War of 1857

which Muslim aristocrats, like the Pataudis, referred to as 'Ghaddar'- treachery- and which they lamented as a disaster for Delhi 

and the Morant Bay Rebellion.

Which had no effect whatsoever on India. Gandhi said Ruskin and Carlyle were his Gurus even though both, along with Dickens, were for the racist Governor Eyre. This was despite the fact that the foundations of the Indian National Congress were laid in London during the 1860's and Naoroji, Bonnerjee etc were very much au fait with the business. 

In the spring of 1857, the British press published lurid accounts of the uprising of Indian rebels, including peasants and native soldiers (sepoys) in the army of the British East India Company. Those reports not only emphasized the “barbarism” of the rebels but also presented a gruesome picture of the nature and scale of British repression. Many Britons soon read eyewitness accounts of British troops binding accused Indian insurgents to the mouths of cannons and then blowing them to bits. For some Britons, the violently suppressed rebellion “presented itself as a text that necessarily asked for a different kind of reading” (44). Focusing on the Chartist leader Ernest Jones,

who influenced Marx. However, the Indians preferred his original view that such Mutinies (e.g Vellore) were retrograde. Why? The two main elements in it were Salafi Islam and Chitpavan type Hindutva- both of which are anathema to the Left.  

Gopal argues that some white Britons identified the insurgency as a model for a resurgent, democratic struggle of English workers,

Jones did indeed do so. It is claimed that he wrote a poem urging the Sepoys to revolt, using his own blood as ink, while in prison. However, 'English workers'- for some strange reason- were not enthused by dusky mutineers who killed White women and children. Gopal's argument is utter shit. 

whose socioeconomic needs were denied by the same capitalist interests that demanded the violence of imperial rule.

The Mutiny was crushed- mainly by Indian troops of various descriptions. Gopal argues that English workers wanted to emulate the Sepoys by killing the wives and kids of the Boss Class because...urm... they wanted to be blown out of the mouths of canons? The truth is Gen. Napier- conqueror of Sindh- had shown the 'physical force' Chartists his canons and told them bluntly that they didn't have any fucking physical force whatsoever.  

She offers an important reframing of the development of solidarity.

There was no fucking solidarity! When the working man got the vote he'd prop up the Conservatives or the Liberal Unionists- who eventually merged with the Tories- because he had no fucking solidarity with the Irish- let alone the Indians or the Africans. Indeed, the second Indian to get into Parliament voted to keep out East European Jews. Why babble nonsense about solidarity at this late hour? Which British or American Trade Unionist is praising the Ayatollahs or demanding an alliance with North Korea?  

For Gopal, the resistance of Indian insurgents was the catalyst for a praxis of solidarity in which

Meo tribesmen raided the insurgents who were soon divided along confessional lines. Then Scottish highlanders and jubilant Sikhs entered Delhi and killed and looted to their heart's content. The Nehrus had to flee Delhi though they had been vakils of John Company.  

“the political and the affective were mutually constitutive”—where “common human feeling” bound together a political community that recognized difference but identified and based its struggle on points of shared concern (22, 79).

If this didn't happen in Delhi itself, how the fuck was it supposed to happen in London? The truth is, as Mayhew says, those beggars who previously disguised themselves as Indian 'lascars' got the shit kicked out of them and thus that species of beggar or crossing sweeper disappeared completely.  

As Gopal notes, the Sepoy War did not, could not, produce anything close to an anti-imperial consensus in Britain,

or Delhi itself! Gopal did her first two degrees there. But they were in English- not Urdu- so she remained as ignorant as shit.  

but subsequent, similar colonial uprisings ensured that questions about the imperial project remained at the forefront of British public consciousness. From India, Gopal turns to Morant Bay, Jamaica, where in October 1865 hundreds of men and women of African descent marched into the town square, initiating a conflict with the local militia.

They killed some White peeps. That was a really bad idea.  

She explores how Britons understood the uprising, which spread across the parish of St Thomas-in-the-East before John Edward Eyre, the governor of Jamaica, declared martial law and British troops burned down the houses of peasants, flogged and summarily shot hundreds of presumed rebels, and executed many others.

Which is why Jamaica aint now as horrible a shithole as Haiti. 

The execution of George William Gordon, a colored member of Jamaica's House of Assembly, takes center stage. Gopal shows how the execution of Gordon on charges of conspiracy and the investigation of the Jamaica Royal Commission into the causes of the Morant Bay Rebellion created opportunities for Afro-Jamaicans to air their grievances.

Those 'opportunities' already existed. What Gopal means is that the illegality of the rendition and summary execution of a landowner gave the Jamaicans a pretext for drawing attention to their grievances. 

British newspapers printed the final letter from Gordon to his wife, in which he decried his undeserved death sentence and defended his recommendation that aggrieved Jamaican peasants “seek redress in a legitimate way” (96). The Jamaica Commission received letters from those peasants—from self-proclaimed “disobedient subjects,” who assured their would-be rulers that “it must be life or death between us before we should live in such a miserable life” (102).

This was happening just as Naoroji, Bonnerjee etc were setting up the London India Society. Why did it have zero impact on them? How is it that they didn't ensure that the kids back home got the message that Ruskin and Carlyle- who were raising money for Eyre's defense- were the bad guys here? Gandhi, it is true, was pretty stupid. But even he respected the shibboleths of the INC and tried to read a little Mazzini etc. 

The answer, of course, is that the founders of the INC felt that Eyre had been sufficiently punished by dismissal. The Indians would continue to believe in Gladstone's benevolence for another twenty years. Indeed, they revered Morley (or, in Maharashtra, Harbhat Pendse) because they wanted Home Rule without any Labor code limiting working hours etc.  The other point is that Indians know that the 'common law' is neither common knowledge nor commonly acknowledged in their own country. Martial Law must always be wholly unrestricted- i.e. extra-judicial killing is the final guarantee of the existence of a Judiciary. Thus Mill's reputation declined while Ruskin and Carlyle were vindicated. 

Britons such as the labor activist Frederic Harrison took note.

Harrison was a barrister and a Positivist- a bit like Herbert Spenser- and did have an influence over Indian Law students. He too had previously been influenced by Ruskin and Carlyle. 

A member of the Jamaica Committee, a group founded in opposition to Eyre's declaration of martial law in Jamaica, Harrison wrote in Martial Law: Six Letters to ‘The Daily News’, “We cannot make rules for negroes without baiting them like traps for Europeans.” He asked, “Whose turn, be it colony or citizen, might not come next?” He insisted, “Every citizen in the empire, black or white, is periled by the sanction of outrage on any other” (122–3).

 Dadhabhai Naoroji certainly came to see Harrison as an ally and wanted him to come to Madras in 1903 to preside over an INC convention. However, Naoroji was also open to a more 'Socialist' avenue of progress as opposed to the old 'Self rule under British Paramountcy' banner. One reason for this was that Naoroji had been Dewan of Baroda at a time when the Resident had been poisoned and the Gaikwad deposed. In other words, the stark reality of the benighted hinterland moderated Naoroji's belief in Courts and Parliaments. Thus, he was prepared to countenance a thoroughgoing change in the 'mode of production'- i.e. land to the tiller, etc- and thus attended the Second International along with Rosa Luxemburg and so forth. 

Gopal argues convincingly that Harrison's dissent transcended the mere recognition that colonial subjects were also people and should not suffer the extreme violence of the colonial state.

It was Chief Justice Cockburn, not Harrison, who had salience here. But what the Eyre controversy showed was that the Common Law was a House divided by the quid juris quid factum distinction. Essentially, the facts of the matter could be judged in consonance with whatever legal, or wholly illegal, principle was expedient. In other words, the Law can always says it forbids extra-judicial killing while actually inflicting extreme violence simply so as to remain the Law of the land. 

Harrison was understood as drawing a parallel between combinations in restraint of trade- more particularly labor unions- and the grievances ventilated by the half-black planter, Gordon, and the Native Baptist preacher, Paul Borg, both of whom Eyre illegally executed. However, the fact remained that poor Blacks had killed some White people. Those who had instigated them had been illegally executed but no Jury would convict on that basis. The truth is Mill looked a fool. He had wasted political capital in what appeared a vindictive prosecution of a fucking Ozzie. 

It is instead suggestive of a broader process in which the protests of Afro-Jamaicans helped radicalize British liberalism, encouraging among some British liberals more “racially inclusive and egalitarian conceptions of rights” (88).

The reverse happened. Chief Justice Cockburn and John Stuart Mill emerged with damaged reputations. The rough and ready Australian was vindicated. Liberals, it seemed, might get very excited about their own abstractions but Juries and Electorates would bring them back to earth with a bump. Embracing radical notions of 'inclusivity' would end up excluding them not just from power and influence but also any practical or intellectual skill or ability. They might as well become Professors of worthless shite for any good they might do. 


In Chapters 3 and 4, Gopal gives special attention to the English writer Wilfrid Blunt

who, falling under Sir Richard Burton's influence, took to a priapic type of Orientalism and ended up dressing in Bedouin robes and fucking a lot of high society women. Apparently he left the horse-breeding side of things to his wife- a descendant of Byron. Believing himself destined to do for the Arabs what Byron had done for the Greeks, he certainly did play a part in undermining the Ottoman Caliphate and laying the groundwork for the Arab Revolt. But this was because he was a useful idiot of the India Office. Cromer depicts him as a romantic poetaster whose enthusiasm for Islam causes him to fan up the flames of Arab delusion in a manner precisely calculated to bring Egypt into bondage. 

while analyzing how travel accelerated the development of a culture of British anti-imperialism.

though it unquestionably first accelerated the reverse and only became associated with the second after Brits decided that package holidays to Spain were preferable to National Service in the Tropics.

In 1881, Blunt went to Egypt, tasked with convincing the popular Egyptian leader Colonel Ahmad Urabi of the legitimacy of European rule over Egypt.

This is nonsense. Blunt had a horse breeding property in Egypt and knew Malet, the Consul General, from his own time as a diplomat. Malet and Colvin briefly used Blunt, who appeared on the spot by accident, in their negotiations with the Colonels. But it was not the case that any official in London had sent Blunt to Egypt. On the other hand, Blunt had social relationships with some influential Liberals, like John Morley. Furthermore, he was influenced by his wife's Arabic tutor, Sabunji- a Christian journalist who, quite understandably was opposed to the Caliphate though, later on, for financial reasons, he became its supporter- and thus Blunt, who was wholly ignorant of Arabs and Arabic, but who had some sort of Byronic fantasy of himself as a virile Bedouin liberator, had adopted Sabunji's anti-Ottoman cause as his own. It is also true that Gladstone-who was posing as an anti-Imperialist on his Midlothian campaign- was a correspondent of his. However, Blunt had been losing interest in Egypt and had been thinking of going to Yemen or the Hejaz. He wrote, "in... an [exalted] spirit I left London for Suez" in the autumn of 1881 persuaded... that 1 had at last a real mission in the East connected with the Arabian Caliphate" & it was more or less an accident that I found my sphere of activity at Cairo instead of Arabia itself as I had planned it." Thus it simply isn't true that 'Blunt went to Egypt, tasked with' anything at all by anybody at all. Rather he was making an annual trip to a warm climate (he had only one working lung) and had no plan or mission or task with respect to Urabi in his mind. Then his ship ran aground in the Canal and so Blunt decided to spend a few days seeing his friends in Cairo rather than waiting at Suez. Thus it is wholly false to say that Blunt was tasked to see Urabi. Gopal and Byrd are simply lying. The fact is European rule did not exist in Egypt. Blunt could not convince anybody of the legitimacy of something which did not exist. After the Anglo-Egyptian War, Blunt was banned from that country for a few years. Thus, he was not seen by the Arabs as a cunning British agent rather than a crazy English fool. 

What was Blunt's actual role? The answer is that, as a result of a comical mix-up such that he accidentally came in touch with Sheikh Hajrasi of al-Azhar  who was close to the Colonels (his own mentor Abduh was keeping a distance from the Army)- he became a 'useful idiot'- the pawn of two ambitious officials who were determined to increase British influence in Egypt and who would do so once Gambetta was out of office and the French were preoccupied, by using and then getting rid of Urabi who was himself a representative of the native Felaheen whose great enemy was the Turko-Circassian military caste. Blunt himself was under the influence of, Afghani's acolyte, Abduh while it was Sabunji who was putting Arabic words in his mouth and who was  translating what he was being told with the result that Blunt continued to write utter nonsense about a future Islam so wholly under British tutelage such that the profit from the Hajj trade would accrue to England! 

 Blunt, having unwittingly led Urabi down the garden path did, to his credit, help him financially to fight a legal battle- but the fellow was still exiled because, after all, some Europeans were killed on his watch. Once again the message was clear. Don't kill Whitey if Whitey can really fuck you up seven times from Sunday coz u r shit at fighting. 

It is thought that this supposed perfidy on the part of the British establishment towards the Egyptian Nationalists pushed Blunt down the road of sympathy with Irish and Indian and Arab revolutionaries. 

On the other hand, since the French were facing problems with Islamists in their North African possessions and blaming Cairo, it was inevitable that Gladstone would intervene- and not just to keep a Trade deal with France in place. Indeed, England's initial alliance with Egypt had arisen out of fears of a Pan-Islamic 'Wahhabi' revolt. 

He returned to London in the spring of 1882 convinced of the very cause he was meant to suppress.

 This is sheer nonsense. Nobody expected him to suppress shit because he was just a horse-breeder with an aristocratic wife.  On the other hand, his stupidity made him a 'useful idiot'. Blunt says that Malet and Colvin pretended to have Nationalist sympathies and used him to manipulate Urabi- whom they wanted out of the picture so as to increase their own power over the Khedive. Nobody in London thought of Blunt as a diplomat- he had left the service more than a decade previously after contracting an advantageous marriage. 

As Gopal demonstrates, seeing the resistance to the beginning stages of the British occupation of Egypt

which was the direct result of Egypt's abject failure to conquer Ethiopia despite its superior armaments and plethora of European, and some American, mercenaries.  The defeated Egyptian army officers revolted against the Khedive because ...urm... obviously, if Blacks, or Jews, beat you fair and square then it must be the Monarch's fault- right? Still, the new Khedive (his father having been deposed by the country's European creditors) tried to get Urabi on side. Thanks to the silly billy, Blunt, Malet and Colvin were able to get Urabi to revolt again after which, because the Egyptians were shit at fighting- the British occupation and 'veiled Protectorate' began 

sparked in Blunt a sympathy with the cause of Egyptian anticolonialism. He came to “see himself as an Egyptian nationalist” at the height of the age of British high imperialism (153).

He says that, in 1881, Malet and Colvin were pretending to him that they too were exactly the same sort of 'Nationalists'. They just wanted Col. Urabi to agree to a smaller sum to bring the Army up to strength. But that strength was meager indeed. Only a fucking poet could have been stupid enough not to see through the chicanery.  

While Insurgent Empire is concerned with how crises at the colonial margins sparked dissent at the metropolitan center

There was no fucking dissent whatsoever in London over either the Mutiny or Morant Bay or Urabi Pasha. Why? They were quickly and profitably dealt with in a manner which increased British security and prosperity. One or two poets or pedants may have had their noses put out of joint- but nobody gave a fuck about them. 

and, in doing so, closed the imagined distance between the two, the book offers tantalizing glimpses into the politics of the colonized themselves.

No it doesn't. Gopal is as stupid as shit. The politics of the colonized is transparent to themselves because they can read Urdu or Arabic or whatever and a lot of the primary material is available on the web. 

The plain fact is that the native Egyptians wanted the Turko-Circassians and Greeks and Italians and Armenians and other foreigners to just fuck the fuck off. That's what Nasser delivered. That's why Urabi is a hero. European Imperialism, like Ottoman Imperialism, was hated because it meant foreigners, Muslims or otherwise, making money in Egypt whereas the felaheen wanted to keep that money for themselves. 

We don't need no 'tantalizing glimpses' into the mind-set of indigenous people anywhere who resent richer 'outsiders' and who fantasize about grabbing all their nice shiny things while kicking them in the pants and telling them to get lost. 

It raises—even if its goal is not to answer—important questions about subaltern politics, which were as diverse as their origins.

No it does not. 'Subaltern politics' just means guys who burned down a police station or who ran amok because of high meat prices. Some stupid Marxists pretended that shit like that mattered coz there was gonna be a really big Revolution some day soon and then it would be discovered that those guys in Nicaragua who burned down a police station were actually, albeit in an occult manner, in solidarity with those other guys in Nova Scotia who protested against high meat prices. Anyway, what would happen next is that all the Capitalists would be punitively sodomized and then the World Revolution would take concrete shape as a big breasted woman who would titty wank all and sundry without regard to color and creed.  

How do the political concerns of the mutineers of Chapter 1 compare to those of the Swadeshi movement, which, as covered in Chapter 4, emerged after the formation of the Indian National Congress and advocated for boycotts of British goods and the development of local industries in response to the British partition of Bengal?

The mutineers wanted lots of money. So did the guys who manufactured Indian textiles. The mutineers wanted to kill Whitey so as to get Whitey's money. The 'Swadesi' nutters wanted to displace goods made by Whitey with indigenous products so as to get money which previously went to Whitey. 

Incidentally, the British partition of Bengal was a good thing. The Hindus realized this in 1947. That's why Bangladesh is now a separate country while Hindus remain, for the time being, the majority in West Bengal.  

How do both compare and contrast with the politics of Jamaica's African and Afro-descendant populations?

They don't. Indians paid Whitey to stay. Whitey paid money to bring Africans to Jamaica.  

Gopal references sources in which Jamaican estate owners complained of tenants who refused to pay rent because “the Queen had given them the place when she gave them freedom” (106). She refers to rebels who had held mass meetings where they implored their peers to petition the queen for land, on which they were prepared to pay their share of taxes. These rich sources offer profound insights into the ideas about subjecthood and governance held by Jamaica's African and Afro-descendant people.

Why would rebels implore 'their peers' to petition for stuff? Either there really is a rebellion, in which case the rebel demands that everybody in a similar situation to himself joins the rebellion, or else there is only a situation where some are wrongly labeled as rebels and they humbly beseech their own people to draft petitions showing they are no such thing by drawing attention to common, easily remediable, grievances. 

They warrant further attention and additional readings as transcripts of rebellion and grassroots politics in which the colonial state appears as a site of belonging and an object of struggle.

Nonsense! We all understand that what was written then was written with a strategic motive. Poor people want land and money. They may pretend they will pay tax on that land or provide a service for that money. But this is merely pretense unless they get valuable public services in return for that tax payment or acknowledgment of paramountcy.  


The voices of a later generation of black and Asian political actors possessed of a more definitive anticolonial politics are more pronounced in Part II of Insurgent Empire, where Gopal adeptly reinterprets the anticolonial internationalism that flourished between World War I and World War II. In Chapters 5 and 6, Gopal focuses on Shapurji Saklatvala, a native of Bombay who moved to London and became an MP, first for the Labour Party, then as a Communist.

He was related to the Tatas. However, he was elected as a Communist with Labor endorsement. However, there was an opportunistic aspect to this.

He was only the third Indian politician seated in the House of Commons.

All three were Parsis. Hindus weren't interested in getting into Parliament. They were not enthused by Sinha getting a seat in the House of Lords and wouldn't lift a finger to help get his son his hereditary right to sit there. The Lords claimed that Sinha's marriage was not valid because his parents weren't married in a Church. Thus his son was a bastard. Hindus thought this hilarious coz the guy was a very pious and scrupulous Brahmo. 

In his own telling, Saklatvala was “one of the conquered and enslaved subject races” and the voice of the “British electors who sent me” to Parliament. He amplified growing, global critiques of empire as enslavement and promoted alliances between British labor and Indian nationalist movements, including as a member of the British section of the League against Imperialism.

This is stupid shit. The fact is, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff had told the War College  that the British Army could not hold Ireland or Egypt or India. Indeed, it would be hard pressed to defeat a Bolshevik insurrection in England itself.  That's why Afghanistan, Egypt and Ireland got independence in 1922. Turkey defeated the Allies. But Gandhi's unconditional surrender gave the Raj a twenty five year reprieve. The plain fact is that the Empire offered cheap defense and law & order- albeit at the price of some racial nastiness. But that nastiness only affected some Brown Sahibs whom everybody else hated. Incidentally, Sir John Simon's wife- an alcoholic- was a remorseless warrior against racism and oppression of any sort. But this wasn't why the Indians told Simon to fuck off back to Blighty. 

He embraced a “dual but intertwined representational responsibility,” attempting as the House's unofficial “Member for India” to “forge a language of opposition to empire that would at once undo the pretences and prevarications of gradualist reformism and make clear that resistance to empire was in the interests of both the Indian and British working classes” 

Indians considered him a nutcase. Sant Nihal Singh has left a compassionate portrait of a deeply silly man who, however, was shrewd enough to see that the Communist party would do more for him than the Liberals had done for Naoroji or the Tories had done for Bhownagree- i.e. give him a safe seat. The price he had to pay was to insist that Indian labor be paid at the same rate as British labor- i.e. prevent low wage competition- and thus protect White standards of living. Bhownagree, it will be remembered, similarly helped bar the door to poor Jewish refugees. 

British Communists, of Indian heritage, like Saklatvala and the Palme Dutt brothers were no great threat to the Indian bourgeoisie. Clemens Dutt sent Phillip Spratt to India- this was the farcical Meerut conspiracy. But Spratt married a South Indian lady and later became quite Right Wing. My memory is that a son of his was a senior IPS officer. 

Other “interpreters of insurgency” took similar actions (35). In a period of global anticolonial ferment, numerous activists and intellectuals from Africa, Asia, and the West Indies took up residence in London, where they pressed the anticolonial cause. Along with Saklatvala,

who had zero influence in India and was a sort of pensioner of the Tatas who, however, don't seem to have taken a snobbish attitude to his working class English wife 

these outspoken radicals included Claude McKay, George Padmore, and C. L. R. James.

who had slave ancestry and thus had a genuine grievance. The Indians didn't. They paid Whitey to rule over them because their own people could not be trusted.  

Taking advantage of democratic conventions that were offered in the metropole but routinely suppressed in the colonies, these men, along with equally influential female comrades like Amy Ashwood Garvey, who receive less attention in Insurgent Empire, introduced more incisive critiques of British nationalism and imperialism.

The trouble with 'incisive critiques' during periods when it is perfectly legal to be addressed as a fucking nignog is that they tend to fall rather flat. Things may have changed in that respect, but they may quite easily change back if Gopal type nutters keep running their mouths off. 

In the years of the Second Italo-Ethiopian War and the Spanish Civil War, as World War II loomed on the horizon, they would, for instance, hold a mirror up to the hypocrisies of Great Britain, which practiced its own form of “colonial fascism.”

Hilarious! We are speaking of a time when it was not considered impolite to refer to a colored man as a nigger to his face. If you wished to be courteous, you might address the chap as 'Professor' precisely because of the low status of pedagogues. At any rate, such was the import of a typical after-dinner anecdote I myself heard when young- from the lips of an emeritus Professor. 

Their words and actions had a demonstrable effect.

No. Hitler and then Stalin's words and actions had a demonstrable effect. Suddenly, Whitey needed Blacks and Wogs and Kikes and so forth to secure their own military survival.  

As Gopal establishes in Chapters 7–9, black radicals forged formidable ties with British leftists.

With the result that the leftists went to the wall rather like Corbynistas being sunk by their ties with 'woke' nutters like Gopal. BTW, is she a Chinese agent or merely a useful idiot? Her dad must have been RAW and the apple doesn't fall far from the tree. 

In turn, those British allies amplified the voices of black radicals, which clarified the intimate relationship between race and class.

Though nothing of the sort exists.  

McKay published his work in the Workers’ Dreadnought, the leftist paper edited by the British suffragist Sylvia Pankhurst. Padmore appeared alongside other pan-Africanists in Negro, the anthology edited by Nancy Cunard. These works were evidence of a robust praxis of solidarity, Gopal shows.

But that praxis was a pissing in the wind. Why not mention Sir John Simon's alcoholic wife?  

They emerged from the process of reverse tutelage and seeded collaborations to come.

Pedagogues may believe 'tutelage' matters. Everybody else thinks 'Professor' is a less offensive way of saying 'Nigger' or 'kike' or 'white trash' or whatever.  

Pankhurst and Cunard were among the British leftists who would join James, Padmore, and their comrades in the International African Friends of Abyssinia.

Even after they discovered Haile Selassie owned plenty of slaves? Incidentally, Selassie got on great with the Dukes of Aosta- as did, his rival, Gugsa. Sadly, the genuine Commies got rid of the one and kept the other under house arrest. 

The New Leader, the official newspaper of the Independent Labour Party (ILP), would amplify the anticolonial and anticapitalist politics of radicals such as Padmore and Jomo Kenyetta,

Kenyatta a 'radical'! Young Uhuru had plenty of Capitalist Aunties but nobody told him his daddy was anti-capitalist!  Why? Because it simply wasn't true.

the activist who would become Kenya's first head of state.

And the daddy of its current head of state. His family is the richest in Kenya. Their net assets are estimated to be at the half billion mark. But they are patriots who won't take foreign money to sell out the country.

The ILP's politics were radicalized by the same demands for national independence later aired at the Pan-African Congress held in Manchester, England in 1945. Just before that historic event, the ILP showed that it had arrived at a dissenting position on the question of Britain's imperial nationalism; in a resolution passed by its National Council, it pledged “to establish social justice in Britain and national liberation in the Empire” (372).

The ILP disappeared from Parliament by 1948. Whatever its 'dissenting position' may have been, everybody agreed it was shit.  

Insurgent Empire ends in the years after World War II, with an inexorable wave of decolonization precipitated by

Europe not having a pot to piss in and America and the Soviet Union rubbing this in their faces.  

colonial rebellion but also supported by a small but influential cohort of British anti-imperialists.

Anti-imperialists only became influential when Imperialism ceased to be a paying proposition. Anyway, it was pricelessly funny to watch them pretend that some newly independent shithole wouldn't become a very much more horrible shithole within a decade though, no doubt, 'the great Liberator' would become a billionaire.  

It brings the reader full circle, returning to two initial themes: the significance of travel from the metropole to the ostensible colonial margins and the “crises of conscience” caused by reports of counterinsurgency.

This sounds like the plot of 'Apocalypse Now'. What does it have to do with the end of Imperialism which was associated with a decline in the terms of trade for primary producers- i.e. the impossibility of the thing every paying for itself?

The fact is that we have always had travelers who write stupid shite. Nobody cares. 

In Chapter 10, Gopal focuses on the “Mau Mau rebellion,” the uprising, primarily of Kikuyu people, that helped move Kenya towards independence from Great Britain.

National Service ended in 1960, though the thing had become politically untenable after Suez. Britain saw it was cheaper to just pay off the white farmers in Kenya. On the other hand, after independence, Kenyatta needed the British Army to fight the Somalis and put down mutineers etc. That's why Kenya became a paradise for the MNC. 

She shows through the case of Fenner Brockway how the uprising helped radicalize some British observers.

Brockway was charged with sedition in 1915 and later spent a couple of months in jail. He was plenty radical before he got involved in 'Colonial' politics.  

As Gopal elucidates through a close reading of Brockway's travel memoir African Journeys, the MP and member of the ILP

He had returned to Labor, after 20 years without a seat, in 1950. He'd later lose his Slough constituency because he was blamed for colored immigration. 

arrived in Kenya amid the anticolonial insurgency “convinced of the need for both moderation and gradualism.” He witnessed the visceral forms of violence characteristic of colonial rule. He returned to London sympathetic to the oppositional use of violence in the cause of freedom, at the start of “his transformation … into a full-time British anticolonialist” (406).

Brockway was active in the India League from after the First war. He had always been an anti-colonialist. In 1947, he took the lead in organizing a Conference supporting independence for non sub-continental colonies

In 1954, Brockway became the founding president of the Movement for Colonial Freedom (MCF). His reports on British atrocities in Kenya earned him the nickname “Member for Africa” and helped transform the MCF into a “mass movement against imperialism” in Brockway's somewhat hyperbolic telling, that would, in fact, enjoy the support of almost a hundred MPs and about twenty British trade unions (423).

I think Suez was the game-changer. America's pulling the rug concentrated minds. Anyway, National Service had to go. Britain had no tradition of peace-time conscription. That's one reason old conshies like Fenner were tolerated.  

Spanning the century from the Sepoy mutiny to the Mau Mau rebellion, Insurgent Empire succeeds in showing that Britain's colonized subjects not only struck for their own rights and freedoms

if that were really true, they could not have been colonized in the first place. The existence of an insurgency in an Empire shows that subjects had previously surrendered, they had not 'struck for', their rights and freedoms. Furthermore, if there is a peaceful handover of power both to territories were there was some small insurgency and those where there was nothing of the sort, then it must be the case that insurgency didn't matter in the slightest. Economic or geopolitical factors had made Imperialism unviable. Sadly, the political potential of 'insurgency' turned out to be wholly mischievous. Either the thing was suppressed and everything remained shitty or the thing prevailed and things got shittier yet.  

but, through their resistance, also reshaped British intellectual and political culture.

Though genuine Brits deny we have any such thing. It was the Germans who drooled on about 'kultur'. We have pubs and clubs and football teams. True, times have changed. It is no longer cool to call a chap a nigger or to drive while blind drunk or to bathe only once a week. On the other hand, you can sodomize each other on the Northern Line without anybody raising an eyebrow.  

Reading a robust “archive of dissidence, opposition and criticism in relation to the British Empire,” Gopal's work reverses the traditional pathways of imperial and intellectual history, in which ideas radiate from the metropole outwards, from Europe's colleges and cathedrals to the “non-Western” world (454).

Kenyatta's ideas, like those of Gandhi, radiated back to their homelands after their London sojourn.  Gopal can show no evidence of the reverse happening. I can. Islam in Europe and America arose from the 'non-Western' world. Something similar could be said of Voodoo and Kung Fu and Yoga and Ayahuasca and Sushi and so forth. 

It disrupts the most essential and essentialized categories of the post-Enlightenment world, including the very notions of “Western” and “European.”

It disrupts the distinction between truth and commonsense as opposed to stupid lies and paranoid fantasies.  

As Gopal reveals, the values and ideals often acclaimed as the invention and inheritance of people who imagined themselves as white

as opposed to purple 

truly emerge fully realized among the colonized and oppressed.

Very true. English is a Bantu language. Prince Charles does not understand that his Top Hat and Tail Coat were invented by Andaman Islanders. Westminster is modelled on the traditional legislatures of the Australian aborigines. Merchant Banking was invented by coolies. The Stock Exchange was first started by Mauritanian slaves. Cambridge University is but a pale shadow of an institution of higher learning set up by Cambodian rent-boys.  

The language of colonial insurgents is baked into modern discourses of liberalism, liberty, and justice.

No it isn't. Critics of BoJo don't utter war-cries deriving from the Maji Maji rebellion.  

Current understandings of freedom and equality owe as much to the peasants in Morant Bay as they do to the philosophers of the Enlightenment.

Thinks nobody at all. Why not suggest that Liberalism aspires to the condition of the peoples of Haiti?  Come to think of it, Dr. Robert Love- a Bahamian educated in America- had to flee Haiti for Jamaica. He was an influence on Marcus Garvey and played a role in getting Black voters registered etc. But he owed nothing to Morant Bay. Bedwardism, it is true, did find a hero in Bogle, but Bedward ended in a lunatic asylum. No doubt, Gopal's 'current understanding of freedom and equality' is equally insane but it really has nothing to do with stuff that happened over a century ago in rural Jamaica. 

In writing these truths, Gopal reminds us of what today's apologists for empire would have us forget: that, as Frantz Fanon argued, it was the task of the enslaved, the colonized, and their descendants to create the new man—to “invent a man in full”—whom Europe was wholly incapable of “achieving” or even imagining

But Fanon was mouthing stupid French shite while batting for the goons who ruined Algeria. What 'man in full' did he create? Anyway, Gopal is incapable of writing truths. Her genius is for uniting Hindus and Jews and the White Working Class against her own kind- i.e. elitist immigrants who teach worthless shite because they are stupid and paranoid.  


Monday, 20 May 2019

Gauri Vishvanathan's Masks of Cretinism

Gauri Vishvanathan's much cited 'Masks of Conquest' begins thus-
ENGLISH LITERATURE made its appearance in India, albeit indirectly, with a crucial act in Indian educational history: the passing of the Charter Act in 1813.
Is she right?
Briefly, the answer is no. English literature made its appearance in India when English speaking people began to reside there. Coryate was a notable writer who died in Surat in 1617. One of his books may be said to be the first book of English literature written in India. However, he was not the first Englishman to contribute to Literature in India. This was probably an English Jesuit who had translated the Bible into Konkani some twenty or thirty years previously. Fr. Thomas Stephens had written a letter about India which was included in Hakluyt's Principal Navigations and published in 1599.

However, it wasn't till the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century that any sizable number of Indians studied English and became acquainted with its literature which had become more polished and settled in matters of orthography and idiom during the second half of the seventeenth century.

Graham Shaw, who works for the British Library, writes in the Hindu- that
on May 12, 1716, a small edition of an English schoolbook rolled off the press at Tharangambadi. This was Thomas Dyche’s A guide to the English tongue, printed for use in the charity school for poor Protestant children, established in Chennai in 1715 by East India Company’s chaplain, William Stevenson. This was the first book to be printed in English in India, or in the whole of Asia.

The 1716 Tharangambadi edition of Dyche’s Guide was printed as part of Stevenson’s plan for his new charity school on the English model, opened a year earlier. Copies of Dyche’s work had probably already been used in the free-school conducted by George Lewis, Stevenson’s predecessor as East India Company chaplain, from 1712 until 1714, when Lewis returned to Britain.

These could have been copies of the first 1707 or second 1710 London editions that had been imported. By 1716 perhaps, those copies had become worn out and needed replacing; or maybe the number of pupils began to exceed the number of copies available. But Stevenson had no means of printing more copies locally.

Chennai’s first press would not arrive until 1761, looted by the British from the French at the siege of Pondicherry. Stevenson’s only option therefore was to apply to the mission press at Tharangambadi. On November 14, 1715, he wrote to the Lutheran missionary Johann Ernst Gründler requesting a print run of 200 copies of Dyche’s Guide. The Tharangambadi missionaries agreed to do the work free of cost. It was no doubt an unauthorised reprint — a pirate edition, like many early Indian imprints.

The book obviously proved its worth as a textbook in the Chennai mission school. No doubt its attraction to Stevenson, as to Lewis before him, was enhanced by the Christian messages and child’s morning and evening prayers included among the reading passages to be memorised. Seven years later, in 1723, a second edition was printed, again at Tharangambadi. 
As Britain prospered and outdid its European rivals during the course of the eighteenth century, there was an increased demand on the part of both Europeans and Indians to learn English grammar and become familiar with its literature. Ambitious Indians in the Presidency towns as well as some Protestant European Missionaries gravitated towards English as a medium of instruction and a common language. By the late eighteenth century, some wealthy Indians sent their sons to private Schools run by English or Eurasian teachers. Poorer Indians too might get a leg up but by attending a Missionary School and thus acquiring sufficient linguistic skills to gain some modest sort of  employment.

The Charter Act of 1813 says ': “It shall be lawful for the Governor-General-in-Council to direct that out of any surplus which may remain of the rents, revenues, and profits arising from the said territorial acquisition, after defraying the expenses of the military, civil and commercial establishments and paying the interest of the debt in manner hereinafter provided, a sum of not less than one lac of rupees each year shall be set apart for the revival and improvement of literature and encouragement of the learned natives of India, and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the science among the inhabitants of the British territories in India.”

One lac rupees was the pay of 5 White Civil Servants. It was by no means a munificent sum. The East India Company used it to pay for Sanskrit and Arabic and Persian pundits who would be of use to them in interpreting the local laws and customs. However, wealthy Indians could learn Sanskrit and Arabic from local priests easily enough. They wanted their English education to be subsidized and regulated by pukka White people who, after all, knew a thing or two about English.

Later, Macaulay would belabor the point that you had to pay Indians to study Arabic or Sanskrit whereas they would happily pay good money to learn English. That was the argument he made, with typical hyperbole, in his Minute on Education in 1835.

Gauri Vishvanathan takes a different view. She believes that the Act of 1813 made the East India Company responsible for educating natives who came under their power. This is utterly absurd. Britain itself did not assume any such responsibility towards its own people till much later.

This act, renewing the East India Company's charter for a twenty-year period, produced two major changes in Britain's relationship with her colony: one was the assumption of a new responsibility toward native education, and the other was a relaxation of controls over missionary activity in India.
There was no responsibility for native education. All that the Act said was that John Company was permitted to spend a paltry amount, provided there was a sufficient surplus, on 'encouraging' learned natives in the manner that was already occurring.
 Without minimizing the historical importance of the renewal of the Company's charter, it would be safe to say that the more far-reaching significance of the Charter Act lay in the commitment enjoined upon England to undertake the education of the native subjects, a responsibility which it did not officially bear even toward its own people.
This is sheer fantasy. England never undertook any such responsibility. It would have gone bankrupt if it had. Missionaries were welcome to teach kids gratis, and there would be a few subsidized schools which elites could capture but that was all that was on offer.
Hitherto, measures to educate the Indians were entirely at the discretion of the governor-general at Calcutta and the Company was in no way obligated to attend to their instruction.
Gauri believes that Indians did not or could not educate themselves. The Governor-General might, at his discretion, pick up an urchin and get him edumicated (what? No fucking Governor-General used his discretion to edumicate me so how do you expect me to spil gud?) but if the Governor-General was not so inclined then Indians would have no means to gain instruction.

Why? It is because Indians are completely shit, yaar. Gauri taught at Delhi University. She should know. Thankfully, she managed to escape to Amrika. However, due to no nice Governor-General used his discretion to edumicate her, the Brits having done a runner in 1947, she is so idiotic as to believe that from 1813 onward, East India Company was opening schools all over the place.
Indeed, reluctant as it was to spend any more money on the natives than necessary, the East India Company was all too willing to abide by the practice in England, where education was not a state responsibility.
Nor was education a state responsibility in Mughal India or its successor states. There may have been local provision- but it was not required by the hegemon.

The East India Company did spend some money on English education because some 'natives' were their own sons. Instruction from such schools did percolate down to ambitious 'pure blooded' natives- more particularly if they converted.
Consider this account of the oldest English school in India which was financed by John Company-
It was in Fort St George that Preacher Pringle in 1673 established a Portuguese and English language free school for English, Portuguese, Eurasian and Indian children resident in the Fort. In l678, this school was more formally recognised by the Council of Fort St. George with the appointment of Ralph Orde as ‘Schoolmaster’. Arithmetic, ‘Merchant’s Accounts’ and Tamil were introduced in the curriculum. It was this school that St. Mary’s in the Fort took over and, under the stewardship of its chaplain, the Rev. William Stevenson, ran from 1715 as St. Mary’s Charity School. In 1787, the School merged with the Male Orphans’ Asylum and in 1954 took the name St. George’s School and Orphanage. By then it had been 50 years at its present location on Poonamalle High Road. Like many of the other pioneering institutions, it became a Higher Secondary School in time. The unbroken continuity of the institution since 1715, only additions being made to it, makes it the oldest English medium school in Asia.
Warren Hastings and scholarly men like Sir William Jones were already 'encouraging' native scholarship. The Charter Act rationalized an ongoing practice.

 Hastings set up the Calcutta Madrasa
(later Calcutta Aliya Madrasa)- the earliest of the state-managed educational institutions under the British rule in India. Founded by the Governor General in October 1780 with its entire expense borne by him for a year and a half, of course fully reimbursed later, the Bengal Government took it over in April 1782
& Jonathan Duncan set up the Benares Sanskrit College in 1791. However, both had to pay stipends to students to get them to study. Meanwhile wealthy Indians were paying good money to learn English while continuing to learn Arabic or Sanskrit from their local priest.

All that the Charter Act did was to recognize and formalize a pre-existing arrangement in this respect. It did not change anything.

Gauri knows about both the Calcutta Madrasa and the Benares Sanskrit College yet she writes-
The Charter Act, however, radically altered the prevailing state of laissez-faire in Indian educational matters.
Yet, no great change was observable. Why? One lakh rupees is a drop in the proverbial bucket.
The 13th Resolution categorically stated that England was obligated to promote the "interests and happiness" of the natives and that measures ought to be adopted "as may tend to the introduction among them of useful knowledge, and of religious and moral improvement." 
OMG! How naive is Gauri? Does she not understand how Parliament works? The opposition makes long speeches about how the incumbents are a bunch of scoundrels. The incumbents make even longer speeches about all the marvelous things they are just about to do. Some meaningless Bill is passed and everybody rolls into the bar to get drunk.

It may be that because Gauri studied English Literature- not exactly an intellectually rigorous discipline- she is somewhat credulous and naive when it comes to history. However, she also believes that English Literature was not taught in England. That is utterly mad. 'Chancery Standard' was taught in schools and printed books were used in such schools from the middle of the fifteenth century onward. It is a different matter that some 'Public' Schools were forbidden, by a Court Judgement, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, to alter the terms of their original foundation and thus devote their endowment to providing instruction in subjects not mentioned in their Charter. However, since instruction in Classical languages involved much translation, Public School boys had a more, not less, thorough knowledge of recent English literature because it supplied the models for such translation. Most schools, however, provided a much more practical course of instruction.

English grammar books, on the Latin pattern, had begun to appear in the late Sixteenth Century. The demand for instruction in useful subjects burgeoned as Britain grew more prosperous. Many scholars- like Milton- took pupils or established Academies. Dissenters, in particular, had to develop their own scholastic networks where greater stress was laid on modern languages and other commercially useful disciplines.

Gauri, being a pedant, may think curriculums and Ministries are important. This could be the case- as in Prussia- but wasn't where the market worked its magic of creating 'focal solutions' for coordination problems without any great need for State action.

She writes-
“The amazingly young history of English literature as a subject of study (it is less than a hundred and fifty years old) is frequently noted,
She means 'a subject of study at University'. King's College in London taught English Literature from the time it opened its doors in 1831. By 1859, it was an exam subject for the University of London Degree program.

However, English had always been taught in schools. Shakespeare learned English literature at his Grammar School. Milton taught English as well as Latin. The method of instruction and assessment used at Universities meant that one developed a refined and elegant English style at the same time that one labored over Latin or Greek texts. Swinburne had a greater knowledge of English literature than Professor Saintsbury. Chesterton was offered a Chair in English though he had no degree. Why? His knowledge of certain aspects of it was as prodigious as his style of elucidation unique and unexampled.
but less appreciated is the irony that English literature appeared as a subject in the curriculum of the colonies long before it was institutionalized in the home country.
Gauri is a cretin. She doesn't get that English school masters and Chaplains- who had been teaching English in India since the late Seventeenth Century- used textbooks and taught to a curriculum institutionalized in the home country by the free working of the market. There was no need for the State to stick its oar in because the market was doing the job by itself. Just because there is no Govt. Dept. tasked with something does not mean that the thing does not exist.
As early as the 1820s, when the classical curriculum still reigned supreme in England
How stupid is this woman? Does she really think that all literate English people were trained in 'the classical curriculum'? Very few of them were- only those intended for the Church or those who showed high promise. Everybody else, who could afford it, received a sound enough commercial, or naval, or military education- or, in the case of girls, a grounding in modern languages and maidenly 'accomplishments' like painting water colors and playing the pianoforte.
despite the then strenuous efforts of some concerned critics to loosen its hold, English as the study of culture and not simply the study of language had already found a secure place in the British Indian curriculum.
Sheer nonsense! Some Indians spent money to study English. Others managed to get a free ride thanks to Missionaries or local connections. But, there was no 'British Indian Curriculum'. Why not? The thing would have been a political hot potato because of the intense sectarian conflict which paralyzed England's own efforts to introduce free, compulsory, State funded education on the Prussian model.

Perhaps Gauri, being a native of India, should be forgiven for not knowing anything about English history- though it is mirrored in her own subject, which is English literature.

What of her knowledge of India? Let us see.
“A play like Kalidas' Shakuntala, which delighted Europeans for its pastoral beauty and lyric charm and led Horace Wilson, a major nineteenth-century Sanskrit scholar, to call it the jewel of Indian literature, was disapproved of as a text for study in Indian schools and colleges, and the judgment that the more popular forms of [Oriental literature] are marked with the “greatest immorality and impurity" held sway.
Is this woman utterly mad? Surely she must have relatives who studied Sanskrit? Does she really not know that you don't start kids off on Shakuntala but rather begin with Hitopadesha or other such texts specifically designed to interest kids. They don't want to read about ladies with huge breasts and fat bottoms. Sure, by the time they get to College, that is what they are into. But, by then they can appreciate lyrical poetry.

Kalidasa was emphatically approved for High School and College instruction. That's why most Bengalis of the pre-independence era could recite large chunks of Shakuntala. The thing was a 'scoring subject'.

As for indecency- what of Catullus or Aristophanes?

The fact is middle class parents are the same the world over. Pundits bowdlerised Sanskrit in the same way that English school masters bowdlerised Shakespeare.
The inability to discriminate between decency and indecency was deemed to be a fixed characteristic of the native mind, a symptom of the "dullness of their comprehension."
It was also deemed a fixed characteristic of the Welsh mind by the infamous Blue Book of 1847. So what? The Welsh had the last laugh by overtaking England educationally and, in the shape of Lloyd George, sticking it to the wealthy Seisnig.
Clearly such a statement suggests that it is not the morality of literature that is at issue, but the mental capabilities of the reader.
But drawing attention to the statement suggests that the author is a cretin.
Raising Indians to the intellectual level of their Western counterparts constituted a necessary prerequisite to literary instruction, especially in texts from the native culture, and consequently to forestalling the danger of having unfortified minds falsely seduced by the "impurities" of the traditional literature of the East”. 
This is sheer fantasy. The English may have thought they could impose their language on Wales or Ireland- and this would make those horny buggers a little less horny- but they never believed or wanted to do anything similar to India. Some Indians wanted a purely English education for their kids- but that is still true today. Sometimes they said things like 'our own literature is cretinous and sensual. Teach only English so our kids don't end up queuing up outside the brothel or get entangled in some crazy religious cult.'

Sir Syed Ahmed expressed an even more radical theory- viz. that vernacular education may be okay for 'exact sciences' but it rotted the brain when it came to 'inexact sciences'- like history, law, and the 'Liberal Arts'.

Alok Rai writes-
'In Urdu, according to Syed Ahmad Khan, it was virtually impossible to write without exaggeration, to separate metaphor from concrete reality. ' (Urdu for Syed was elite language, Hindi was for the vulgar.)
When he established the Aligarh Mohammedan College, the desirable goal was to be able to conduct higher education in Urdu. And when the Oriental department was opened there, he made suggestions about Urdu textbooks in sciences and mathematics as well. But in practice, the course followed the lines of the Calcutta University except that Arabic and Persian remained the language of literature, logic and philosophy, and Urdu of history, geography, science and mathematics. English was taught as a second language. But as the courses got going Syed Ahmad Khan saw the effort towards vernacular education in action reaching one stumbling block after another and he was greatly disillusioned. Insistence on teaching through vernacular textbooks inevitably meant a lowering of standards. He was saddened by this painful realization. His earlier assumption that the mother tongue is the best medium for instruction received a severe jolt. He gave voice to this new realization in his testimony before W. W. Hunter’s Education Commission. Syed Ahmad Khan began his testimony by saying that although he was the original architect of the idea that students should be taught in the “vernacular,” his view had undergone a change in light of the actual practice in the university. He now believed that the language of the ruling power must become the language of scholarship. He further pointed out that some of the exact sciences might require only very rudimentary English, since they consisted largely of universal symbols and technical terms. What really concerned him more now were what he called the “uncertain sciences,” such as history, logic, philosophy, political economy, and jurisprudence. Here, however, the difficulties that he envisaged were not over technical vocabulary, or keeping up with the literature. The major obstacle was the style of expression communicated in ordinary Urdu. And, here he made a value-loaded statement that would infuriate Edward Said and a lot of others. In Urdu, according to Syed Ahmad Khan, it was virtually impossible to write without exaggeration, to separate metaphor from concrete reality. The remedy for this lay in English education. “As long as our community does not, by means of English education, become familiar with the exactness of thought and unlearn the looseness of expression, our language cannot be the means of high mental and moral training.” Language, according to his way of thinking, was not a passive tool to express one’s ideas and experiences but an active agent molding the thought processes of its speakers and practitioners.
Sir Syed Ahmed had a point (but see the Note below). However, were he to rise from the grave to see the nonsense written by 'Saidians' or 'Subalternists' or 'Post Colonial theorists' he would have understood that English- at least as used by Professors of English at Ivy League schools- is even more 'meta-metaphoric' and meaningless than the baroque sabak-e-hindi literary style.

Still, a mask of cretinism is the safest thing to wear in the campus of Political Correctness. This makes plausible the claim that any misbehavior on your part is just P.T.S occasioned by your but very recently departed conqueror.

Still, it must be said- Gauri's book is miles better than anything Spivak ever spat up. But that's also why I don't believe she herself believes its thesis. At least not now she has access to Wikipedia.

Note
Sir Syed Ahmed was an astute politician. He was somewhat exaggerating his account of the failings of Urdu- which is perfectly fine as a language- so as to appease W.W Hunter who had previously written a book about some terrible Muslim conspiracy against the Raj.

Sunday, 28 April 2019

Meredith Martin on Macaulay & India


Meredith Martin, a distinguished academic at Princeton, writes-
It isn’t the centrality of Macaulay’s poems in the late-Victorian canon and their absence in our curriculum today that interests me as much as the way their form – the ballad – came to be coded as a communally felt phenomenon.
Coding is important where something can be alluded to but not directly expressed. This may have to do with Sex or a type of politics which is subject to persecution. Macaulay's poems dealt with neither such theme. They were in tune with the dominant political currents of the day and thus the paradigmatic example of literature as a message without a code.

His 'Lays of Ancient Rome' were suitable pabulum for little boys who enjoy mock battles and can picture themselves as Roman heroes as easily as they can step into the roles of Cops & Robbers or Cowboys & Indians. Macaulay was making Latin literature interesting for the kids and thus giving them an incentive to pay attention in class and go on to pass exams and enter paying professions on the basis of academic credentials.

However, Macaulay's poems were not a 'communally felt phenomenon'. Women had little interest in them and the mise en scene was remote from those familiar to the working class. Regional ballads dealing with folk heroes or tales of thwarted love retained currency in the rural tavern and at the Squire's table. But this was as true of India or Italy or anywhere else.
This fabric of a connective, political, and national rhythm begins as a story about a primitive drum, is transformed to a family hearth where stories of the community’s history are told, and then becomes the organized rhythm of the march to war.
This sentiment could be expressed in any Indian language and prefaced to a collection of bardic material. However, it could also be used to pick out different theistic traditions and associated with specific castes.
This idea – of a unifying primitive rhythm – began as a universalist claim in the mid-eighteenth century.
This idea has always been around. Meter was linked to Music which in turn was linked to region or type of activity.  Certain 'raags' & 'maqaams' in Indian or Islamic music are conventionally described in just this way and given a folk origin. But, traditions in this regard long predate the eighteenth century. Indeed, they were prevalent at the time of Confucius or Solon. Thus certain airs and meters might be described as lascivious because of the supposed moral short comings of the people of a certain region, or else as martial or spiritual on a similar basis.

However, this type of learned, second order, work had zero impact on what was popular or how a particular poetic form evolved. Stalin's philosophy of language had the merit of releasing Marxists from having to link changes in the 'superstructure'- e.g. literary fashions- to changes in the substructure. This meant that, for a brief period, Leftist literary theory did not have to be utterly stupid.

Sadly Martin didn't get the memo- vide
By the turn of the nineteenth century and especially after the first reform bill in England, “primitive rhythm” became a poetic function.
Primitive rhythm is a poetic function of primitive- or at least 'naively sentimental'- poetry dealing with simple people in a natural landscape. The Romantic movement in England certainly had this feature in the late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Century precisely because Reform in accordance with 'Natural Law' appeared easy. However, Ricardo and Malthus between them showed that Economics had a dismal aspect. Population could grow monstrously while diminishing returns bedeviled the bounty of Nature.  Calculation alone was King. Thus, Romanticism and its affectation of 'primitive rhythm' was played out by 1832 because it was clear that such unities as it could forge, dissolved under the pressure of Calculation and the need to Compromise.  In subsequent years, Radicalism would itself see a parting of the ways between the idealistic Chartists and the utilitarian Cobdenites with the latter prevailing but only at the cost of turning their coats. By the Eighteen Eighties, many were Unionists and some were clamoring for Imperial Preference.

Martin takes a different view-
This poetic function grew increasingly nationalistic in its aims toward mid-century, and then ended up as at once universalizing and nationalistic at the turn of the twentieth century, depending on the discipline in which it was discussed.
Peak nationalism was associated with the Napoleonic Wars. Not even the accession of Napoleon III could revive it. Instead, England & France jointly fought the Crimean War & Cobden cobbled together a trade treaty with the Second Empire.

Peak Victorianism was associated with a merely ornamental 'Poetic function'. The prosperity of its new class of patricians was based on a mastery of the prose of the world. Macaulay, in India, amuses himself by imagining the sort of ballads the ancient Romans might have sung. However, precisely because he was in India, he had to reject Colonel James Tod's romantic view of nationalism which involved ejecting Marathas and Pindaris from Rajput domains. Tod was disgraced and sent back to England. Macaulay, by contrast, eventually left his mark on the Indian polity. To do so, he made a careful distinction between why the bardic, or ballad, tradition was inherently more poetic in its subject matter than the lucubrations of a more refined age, and how that subject matter could be made useful to a commercial civilization in which relationships of trade & exchange superseded ties of blood & custom. Macaulay tells us in the introduction to 'The Lays' that History must acknowledge its debt to the ballad and that poetic truth must be distinguished from historical veracity. Yet, the debt remains. Thus Macaulay is presenting a history in the form in which, according to a popular theory of the time, its first annalists discovered it. He tells us he will be careful to impute no more modern motive to his characters than their context would warrant, and that the manner in which he will render his imagined Ausonian texts will be a compound tribute to Sir Walter Scott, and thus the native English tradition, as well as to the author of the Iliad whose work may plausibly have, in some vernacular form, been familiar to the original balladeers.

Martin takes a different view-
The Lays of Ancient Rome appear in the middle of that story, in 1842, as part of a larger discourse about rhythm and meter.[3]
Since Macaulay was a scholarly historian and prominent Whig politician, it is scarcely probable that he would have concerned himself with some obscure coterie of poetasters' 'discourse about rhythm and meter' which his target audience would have been wholly unaware of. Rather, he takes it for granted that Scott had given the canonical expression of the English ballad tradition and that Europe had accepted a certain conception of the Iliad as canonical with respect to the content of that tradition. It was this latter assumption- viz. that the Iliad is thymotic in a puerile manner, rather than truly tragic, which left him vulnerable to Matthew Arnold's criticism that his verses rang of but pinchbeck metal. Homer, Arnold believed, 'is rather to be classed with Milton than with the balladists and Scott; for what he has in common with Milton,— the noble and profound application of ideas to life,— is the most essential part of poetic greatness.' In other words, what Macaulay lacks is a cosmology the more crystalline and aglitter for but enclosed in a tear washed away by a tear. Still, it is good enough for school boys and retaining something of the school boy in one's makeup is sufficient warrant, as the shadows close in, that one has not utterly mislaid one's soul.
Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome, their history and intervention, can teach us a great deal about what rhythm and meter do and mean for a sense of national identification at mid-century.
This is nonsense. He tells us he borrows both from Scott. Whether he succeeds or fails is a different matter. His work as a historian, not as a poet, could have meant something for English 'national identification' but completely failed to do so because of his mania for William of Orange and his hostility to the new 'High Church' religiosity which characterized the early Gladstone and the Oxford Movement.

Macaulay gloats, like an American 'booster' of a later age, over the material progress England has made. He is as fond of quoting statistics as the gross bellied Manchester merchants Emerson encountered who would tell the thin Yankee precisely how many bricks had been used in the construction of the new municipal water tower and how this made it superior to St. Mark's Campanile in Venice.

Quite naturally, the rising generation- men as different as Arnold and Tennyson- recoiled from so crass a view of the English character or, indeed, the genius of the English tongue.
Macaulay’s project is to impose a vision of martial action as an accepted universal urge and to meld that vision with the discourse of both poetics and civilization.
Macaulay says he is writing of primitive people. Their thymotic urges must give way to culture and refinement and economic progress.

He writes- ' In the following poems the author speaks, not in his own person, but in the persons of ancient minstrels who know only what Roman citizen, born three or four hundred years before the Christian era, may be supposed to have known, and who are in no wise above the passions and prejudices of their age and nation. To these imaginary poets must be ascribed some blunders which are so obvious that is unnecessary to point them out. The real blunder would have been to represent these old poets as deeply versed in general history, and studious of chronological accuracy. To them must also be attributed the illiberal sneers at the Greeks, the furious party spirit, the contempt for the arts of peace, the love of war for its own sake, the ungenerous exultation over the vanquished, which the reader will sometimes observe. To portray a Roman of the age of Camillus or Curius as superior to national antipathies, as mourning over the devastation and slaughter by which empire and triumphs were to be won, as looking on human suffering with the sympathy of Howard, or as treating conquered enemies with the delicacy of the Black Prince, would be to violate all dramatic propriety. The old Romans had some great virtues, fortitude, temperance, veracity, spirit to resist oppression, respect for legitimate authority, fidelity in the observing of contracts, disinterestedness, ardent patriotism; but Christian charity and chivalrous generosity were alike unknown to them.

This is precisely the opposite of Martin's claim. Macaulay isn't saying we have to get rid of Christianity and go back to being savages. Rather, as a historian, he is saying pre-history has poetic truths which are valuable because poetry is valuable. It is dangerous, however, to mistake poetic truth for historical truth and very madness to take any action in this world on that basis.
How does Macaulay’s project in Lays of Ancient Rome advance an argument about ballads, nations, and histories of form that maps onto a larger story about rhythm and community, history and education, and comparative poetics?
Martin is mistaken about Macaulay's project. In any case, there is never any 'larger story about rhythm and community'. A.R Rahman might take up a Japanese or West Indian rhythm to rhapsodize a theme which is felt as binding together the Tamil, or wider Indian, community. The BBC might take up Lillibulero as a quintessentially British martial tune, though- no doubt- its own learned musicologists would have already traced it to Ireland or Tartary.

Suppose it were true that a 'larger story' genuinely exists such that a particular rhythm can define a community, then there would be scope for DNA type genealogical research. My own claim to be descended not from African apes, but Antarctic penguins would be proved true and thus I'd get a Doctor's note saying I'm excused doing the washing up.
That larger story is still not large enough, for it ignores, entirely, the basis of all of those theories in a world much wider than the Western one.
And which features penguins and dinosaurs.
Sixty-three editions of Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome were published between 1842 and 1939; the poem became prominent at the same time that the English empire created a new literary history of India, thanks, in large part, to Macaulay.
Rubbish! The English 'literary history of India' had been accomplished by the end of the Eighteenth Century. That's why peak Orientalism is represented by Southey's 'Curse of Kehama' & Tom Moore's 'Lala Rookh' & Shelley taking  inspiration from 'The Empire of the Nairs'.

After that, there was incremental progress both in India and on the Continent but it had nothing to do with Macaulay.
His 1835 ‘Minute on Indian Education’ secured the passage of Bentinck’s Indian Education Act, making English the language of instruction and promoting an English literary tradition as a civilizing ideological force on the subcontinent.
The Indians clamored for the thing and were getting it anyway. They just wanted John Company to pay more towards it.
This concept of an English literary tradition was consolidated in the 1830s, before there was a state education system in England. As Gauri Viswanathan has argued, the English literary canon was largely invented in order to subdue and civilize the empire’s Indian subjects.
Why believe this crazy theory? Martin lives in the Twenty First Century. She can look up the Wikipedia article on English literature and see for herself that the 'English literary tradition' was consolidated circa 1470 as 'Chancery Standard'. Shakespeare learnt it at School. Milton taught it. The Irish acquired it in the Seventeenth Century and within a couple of generations were achieving distinction in it.

India had already been subdued by the superior solvency of the British which in turn depended upon their Global Naval supremacy. Economics matters. Literary canons don't.

Gauri Vishvanathan may believe her ancestors were uncivilized and required indoctrination in Shakespeare and Milton to suppress their cannibalistic instincts. It may surprise her to know that the vast majority of her caste fellows even now have no great knowledge of the 'English literary tradition'. True, some of them vote for Modi and work in I.T, however this does not mean that they are cannibals.
 Just as the literature of Rome civilized primitive England, so too would the literature of England civilize, Macaulay writes, the primitive “Hindoo.”
Macaulay's Minute is solely concerned with how a small sum of money set aside by Parliament for education in India should be spent.  He makes no pretense that any sizable section of the native population will receive any instruction, under this aegis, whatsoever. The only question was whether teachers of English, rather than Arabic or Sanskrit, should gain preference in employment. The answer was clear. The Indians wanted John Company to pay for English instruction because the Brits actually knew English. The Indians could learn Sanskrit from the neighborhood Purohit or Arabic from the Mullah as they had always done. Indeed, Kayasths had been doing both for centuries. So had some 'niyogi' Brahmans. Having actual English people pay for a type of instruction whose worth they could judge for themselves was a no-brainer. Sadly, when the Indian Education Service was wound up, the standard of English instruction fell. People like Gauri Vishvanathan had no interest in promoting English instruction in India so as to help others whose ancestors were less lucky in this matter. By contrast, China imported a lot of native speakers to teach English with the result that their Economy faces a smaller bottle-neck in this regard. But then, the Chinese are a pragmatic and patriotic people. Indian Leftists whine about the Brits but prefer to do so on a Western campus where they won't be harassed by young people of their own color pleading to be taught sufficient English to make them employable.
The parallel to Rome in Macaulay’s progress narrative for England was evident in his parliamentary speeches in favor of reform and it was the success of these speeches that landed him the job in India to begin with. In his first reform speech, he aligns Roman and British social conflict: had the first reform bill not passed, England would have witnessed a “struggle between the young energy of one class and the ancient privileges of another. Such was the struggle between the Plebeians and the Patricians of Rome.”
Republican Rome inspired the American founding fathers. That's why Cincinnati has the name it does. America also had 'Indians'. Does Martin think they were 'subdued and civilized' by indoctrination in 'the English literary tradition'? Of course not! She must know that indigenous Americans who acquired an English education became more, not less, insistent upon their rights.
 Just as he worked to fuse India’s sense of itself with England’s history and literature in the “Minute,” so, too, did he simultaneously work to fuse England’s sense of itself with Rome’s history and literature in Lays of Ancient Rome.
 What work did Macaulay do to 'fuse India's sense of itself'?
The following is often quoted-
 it is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern,  --a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.

However, Macaulay in a preceding passage had very forcefully explained that this class of Indians already existed.
'There are in this very town natives who are quite competent to discuss political or scientific questions with fluency and precision in the English language. I have heard the very question on which I am now writing discussed by native gentlemen with a liberality and an intelligence which would do credit to any member of the Committee of Public Instruction.'
 What is more, unlike the students of Arabic or Sanskrit who demanded a stipend and assurance of future employment in return for applying themselves to these ancient languages, the students of English were happy to pay for the privilege. Furthermore, being obliged by their terms of employment or the requirements of their profession, this class of English speaking natives did indeed contribute to the refinement and enrichment of their vernacular tongues.

Macaulay was in India because his family had fallen on hard times. He needed a lucrative post where he could save money so as to return to British politics not as a hired hack but as a gentleman of independent and assured means.

He uses his 'Lays' to show that he has not become a Nabob with a harem, but rather has been engaged in a literary composition useful to British youth and instructive to the wider public.
Macaulay recollects that the idea for the poems occurred to him while he was stationed “in the jungle at the foot of the Neilgherry hills;”[6] and most of the verses were made “during a dreary sojourn at Ootacamund (Uhtagamund) and a disagreeable voyage in the Bay of Bengal.”
Macaulay was a politician. He understood that his readers might suppose he had succumbed to Asiatic luxury and sensuousness in distant Ind. The reference to Jungles and Voyages dispels any such suspicion.
From June 26 to August 31, 1834, Macaulay was stationed at Ootacamund with the Governor General Bentick’s entourage. He left for the hills as soon as he arrived: “I traveled the whole four hundred miles on men’s shoulders. Each palanquin required twelve bearers who were changed every fifteen miles or so. My baggage, though I brought no more than was absolutely necessary, required ten porters.” While stationed, he “read insatiably” the books that those ten porters carried. His classical texts soothed him and reminded him of home; he writes, “[w]hat a blessing it is to love books as I love them, -- to be able to converse with the dead and to live amidst the unreal.” He praised Virgil in one of his many long letters: “I like him best on Italian grounds. I like his localities, his national enthusiasm, his frequent allusions to his country, its history, its antiquities, and its greatness. In this respect he often reminded me of Sir Walter Scott.” Indeed, Macaulay’s Lays were a fusion of Virgil and Scott, an elevation of Scott’s metrical project to the great themes of Roman civilization but in the form of imagined ancient Roman ballads. But why ballads? Scott’s introduction to his two-volume collection Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, first published in 1802 and 1803, gives a compelling history of the ballad that is also a history of England. In Scott’s 1830 introduction to his 1805 Lay of the Last Minstrel he narrates the genesis of his own ballad-writing project – a mashup of Stodart’s recitation of Coleridge’s “Christabel,” in an attempt to avoid what Byron called the “fatal felicity” of the octosyllabic line and “romantic stanza.” Scott’s ballad meter was a structure of verse that “might have the effect of novelty to the public ear, and afford the author an opportunity of varying his measure with the variations of a romantic subject,” by which he means – and demonstrates – largely accentual four-beat lines. The history of metrical theories of the ballad stanza, which I’ll examine in further detail, are related to Macaulay’s project. I’ll argue that Macaulay combined Scott’s metrical project with his own understanding of the highly debated Latin Saturnian meter which, Macaulay argued (via the Danish German historian Barthold Niebuhr) was the authentic primitive verse form of ancient Rome.
So far, so good. This is not path-breaking scholarship by any means but it is perfectly sane.

What follows is not-
But Macaulay’s project was not merely about re-creating Roman ballads. Macaulay was arguing that the ballad was the earliest poetry of all primitive civilizations, and by reconstructing and popularizing this history he was also advancing a ballad-theory of civilization.
Macaulay says ballads are tribal. Civilization obliterates them. History must not rely on ballads because their truths are poetic not alethic. Socio-Economic conditions have to progress substantially- on the basis of improvements in administration and the widening of commerce- before the qualities and emotions the Romantics most prized could come into existence. A naively sentimental invocation of history can serve a proper poetic, but not a political, end.
The ballad-theory of civilization had been circulating long before Niebuhr first applied it to ancient Rome in his controversial 1812 Romische Geschichte, and long before Macaulay played out Niebuhr’s ballad theories in his Lays. The theory will be familiar to anyone who has read eighteenth-century ballad discourse but also to anyone who has read Derek Attridge’s theories of rhythm, or, for an opposite view, Virginia Jackson’s reading of Longfellow’s own ballad-theory of civilization in “Hiawatha” and Michael Cohen and Susan Stewart’s work on Percy and Child.[12] Cohen writes, “whether mediating ideas of history, culture, nationality, or identity, ballads have been contested property since at least the eighteenth century” (196). What Cohen describes as “the recuperation of history through balladeering,” largely after Percy’s Reliques of Ancient Poetry were published in 1765, “became a paradoxical process of restoring fragmentation . . . – of rendering media transparent” (199). In a letter to a friend, Niebuhr writes: “I am a historian, for I can make a complete picture from separate fragments, and I know where the parts are missing and how to fill them up. No one believes how much of what seems to be lost can be restored.”[13] Historiography and the ballad theory of civilization, then, emerged at the same moment. In addition to historiography, ballad discourse influenced and inspired Friedrich August Wolf’s theories about Homer, the writings of Robert Lowth about Hebrew Poetry, Johann Gottfried Herder’s collection of German folk songs, Biblical criticism, and the creation, in many registers and disciplines, of a never recuperable origin story, spoken or sung, available only in fragments supplemented by the specialist collector’s skill.[14] But ballads were also, crucially and ideally, comparable across national boundaries and borders. Ballads were at once imagined to be the authentic record of a nation’s earliest poets as well as evidence of early songs that appeared at the beginning of every culture. Now collections of fragments, authentic ballads had to be in some way corrupted or faded so that their re-creation could accommodate the nostalgic projection onto the past of a purer form of connected society, via poetry – and this is part of what I mean when I say “the ballad-theory of civilization.”
This is a term of art. It means 'the theory that early history is based on bardic material'. It is not a theory of civilization, but rather a historiographical notion long superseded by carbon dating and DNA studies and so forth.

In any case, Niebuhr's ballad-theory was buried, at least for the English, by Mommsen who took Coriolanus as a test case and showed it must be late and Greek influenced.
But another part of the ballad-theory of civilization is that the peripheral is elevated as the primitive and brought into the whole fabric of the nation as an imagined common past of the colonizing nation, and in this instance I specifically mean Scotland and India as England’s peripheries.
Why specifically mean something obviously foolish? Scotland borders England. India does not.
Some stupid Professor of English in India may want to pretend otherwise but why should an American?
An imagined innocent past, a purer primitive poetics in the shape or guise of “ballad,” is most familiar as the uncorrupted cadences of the now lost ballads of Scotland but it has powerful implications for India as well.
No it doesn't. James Tod was a guy who destroyed his career in India, a decade before Macaulay got there, because he surrendered to the Siren song of the Rajput bard. This led him to wish to promote the Rajput at the expense of the Maratha or Pindari. The thing was a recipe for chaos. It had to be curbed and the Indians could see this for themselves. Bhats and Charans running around creating a nuisance is the last thing we need. By all means, get them to sing about birth control or check dams or whatever. We don't want to lose sleep over a Bhat's curse or a Charan's threat to commit suicide.
For Scott, the periphery is crucially the border – the place where a nation must defend itself against invasion, mark out its territory, record its unique history, and assert its communal identity.
Scott was a Lowland Scot- i.e. an English speaker. His linguistic border was to the North.
 Much of our knowledge about English ballad discourse, as Katie Trumpener and others have argued, comes from theories of culture appropriated from the periphery. Trumpener writes “English literature, so-called, constitutes itself in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries through the systematic imitation, appropriation, and political neutralization of antiquarian and nationalist literary developments in Scotland, Ireland and Wales.”
Trumpener may write what he likes. English literature constituted itself on the basis of the development of Chancery Standard and the Printing Press. It may have recruited itself from its margins, it was not constituted by it.

We might as well say- 'American Cinema, so-called, constitutes itself in the early twentieth century through the systematic imitation, appropriation, and political neutralization of the Cherokee and the Apache.'
 In the Indian context, the idea of the “ballad” as a lost origin story meshes with fantasies of a preliterate, mystical, uncivilized power.
Rubbish! In India the idea of the ballad is firmly associated with a bardic caste whose institutional memory is post-Puranic. Only the Brahman or Shraman is licensed to speak the origin story which is preserved, not lost at all, in Revealed Scripture.
William Jones, the orientalist, philologer, and translator of Persian poetry posited in a 1786 address to the Asiatick Society, that Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin may have all “sprung from some common source which, perhaps, no longer exists.”  The emergence of the Indo-European language theory – all South Asian and European languages and civilizations coming from one spring – becomes a powerful basis, therefore, for Anglophone poetics.
Nonsense! I know of no poem in the English language which answers to this description.
Why? Precisely because India was an Imperial possession and England's largest trading partner. Thus nothing about its ancient mythology was not firmly tied to a highly idiographic locale. Emerson in America could gas on about Brahma and Boston could have its Brahmans. England too had one or two eccentrics who'd discover Druids in the Rg Veda and conclude that England itself was 'Shveta Dwipa'. However, these eccentrics gained no popular currency because India was important for wholly commercial and political reasons. By contrast, Germany could dream its dreams in 'Benares on the Rhine' and though Victor Hugo said 'India went and ended up becoming Germany' the India he was referring to was wholly imaginary.
Ballad discourse, treating all these peripheries as primitive sources of power, formed an intellectual constellation with contemporary linguistics, rhetoric, and the burgeoning field of English literary criticism.
There may have been a paranoid constellation of this sort, but it was not 'intellectual' at all. Why? If you claimed to have pierced the secrets of Manusmriti, you'd be asked how Mr. Chatterjee of Chowringhee's Estate should be divided up. If you could give an answer that would hold up in Court, then you could make some money. If you couldn't, you'd be dismissed as a fantasist. The safer thing would be to claim to have discovered the secret codex of the fairies.
And it identified primitive groups of people even in modern societies: the child, the uneducated working classes, the rural village-dweller, and the colonial subject, all of whom were not yet touched by Englishness and could be recruited to represent a powerful fantasy of poetic purity.
Wonderful! An English child, or agricultural worker, was untouched by 'Englishness'. Thus, if you wanted to know about inheritance laws in Coorg, you didn't have to crack a book. You could just ask the baby or the guy mowing your lawn. Being untouched by 'Englishness', they- no doubt- would possess 'poetic purity' and thus easily be able to simulate knowledge of the customs of the warrior clans of a remote part of the world.
Macaulay had some feelings about this. He wanted to replace Indian culture with a constructed, hybrid form of English -- an invented imported past; in the “Minute” he writes: “I have never found one among them [the Hindoos] who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia.”
This is not true. He said that Indian languages needed to develop a type of standardized prose, with an expanded vocabulary, such that it could easily convey information regarding Scientific and Technological advances. He noted the pre-existence of an Indian class of intellectuals who were already doing this. He proposed that the Government spend a small sum of money in the manner this class thought best. He did not say that any Indians whatsoever should not learn their own history or language precisely because this would render them unfit for any type of remunerative employment or profession.
By accepting the invented history of English poetry, Macaulay’s education reforms would “form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern
Gauri Vishvanathan invented this notion about the 'history of English poetry' in the Eighties. Do Indians consider her a smart person? No. They think she was a cretin who managed to play the race card and get a cushy berth in a worthless Department of a University which, however, is good for STEM subjects.
– a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect.
Macaulay is speaking of Brahmos, like Raja Ramohan Roy- who had died during a visit to England- who was well known to Unitarians and Utilitarians.  Indeed, I myself subscribe to a refinement of his dogma- viz. Unitittyarianism- whose credo is 'nipples are many, titty is one'.
To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.”
& that's exactly what happened. Why? It is what happens everywhere as Japan and Turkey and so forth were soon to prove.
Refine, enrich, borrow, render by degrees fit – these words echo and enact the ballad theory of civilization, which becomes a theory of the civilizing power of poetry.
No they don't. Rome did become a great civilization. But we know nothing of its ancient ballads precisely because nobody bothered to 'refine, enrich, borrow or otherwise render them fit for anything'. The fate of Etruscan was even worse. It disappeared completely.

Since cannibals can have marvelous poetry, the thing has no civilizing power whatsoever. You actually have to build roads and set up schools and Colleges of Engineering and Medicine and so forth. That is why the American Peace Corps did not concentrate on providing training in prosody to the bards of remote tribes.
This mindset recalls Matthew Arnold’s similar rhetoric in the wake of the second reform bill. As McKelvy rightly asserts, Macaulay transfers the values of reform culture onto the Indian subcontinent. “What the Greek and Latin were to the contemporaries of More and Ascham, our tongue is to the people of India. The literature of England is now more valuable than that of classical antiquity.”
But this was true before the Reform Bill was passed. That's why Raja Rammohan Roy already spoke English and quoted Bentham. Incidentally, he also learned Greek and Latin and Hebrew.
Macaulay’s composition of Lays of Ancient Rome while he was a colonial legislator in India
He was not a legislator. India had no Legislature at the time. He was one of four official advisers to the Governor General.
connects England’s obsession with orientalist language and poetics
that obsession had peaked twenty years previously and then wholly disappeared
with the violent endgame of the ballad-theory of civilization – the civilized is always predicated on the fantasy of the uncivilized, imaginary primitive past.
Sheer balderdash! Civilization is always predicated upon a secure transport infrastructure supporting burgeoning Trade and Exchange based upon the division of Labor and the institutions of Civil Society. It has nothing to do with fantasies.
The Lays both assert and reveal the fantasy that a poetic form – in this case the ballad stanza – gives form to that unruly and wild historical projection of the “uncivilized” which is at the heart of the ballad theory of civilization.
To assert something is also to reveal it- unless it is already known. Martin says Macaulay's Lays reveals a fantasy- in other words something nonsensical.
What is the nonsense the Lays reveal? It is that the ballad stanza is connected to a notion of the 'uncivilized'.

But everybody already knew that Coleridge and Scott and so on were perfectly civilized. Nobody thought that a guy writing a ballad was likely to turn into a cannibal.

Is it plausible that Macaulay- a smart guy- would bother to write a book to 'assert and reveal' anything so foolish?
Why not write a book revealing that rhyming cat with mat won't cause pussykins to come and sit on the hearthrug?
The fantasy of the uncivilized and poetry’s role in the civilized nation’s unity appears throughout the period.
So what? Many other fantasies also existed- like finding fairies at the bottom of your garden or discovering the fount of eternal youth or the staff of Merlin or Solomon.
Late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century grammars borrow from and inform debates about the centrality of the ballad to a nation’s sense of its present and its connection to a universal preliterate past.
If there were indeed any such debates, they were wholly inconsequential. On the other hand debates about Economic or Political or Scientific matters did have consequences. But that remains true to this day. Martin and her fellow pedants are ignored by everybody. In consequence, they have gotten a little cracked in the head.
Thus, after a sane enough account of the 'ballad theory', Martin feels obliged to talk nonsense about India- a country she evidently knows nothing about.
But that is not the only story I want to tell. The unanswered question of the ballad form, the abstract notion of its primitive nature, permeates both this scene and Macaulay’s notion of civilizing India through English poetry.
Macaulay had lived in India. He knew that there was as little prospect of getting the vast mass of Indians to learn English poetry as there was of getting the vast mass of English children to learn Greek verse. It was a different matter that a select few learn these difficult tongues and then contribute to the vernacular language in a manner that would fit the purposes of pedagogy.

The obvious objection to using Government funds to teach a select few better English was that they would become centers of opposition to British Rule- of the existence of which, to be truthful, only a small percentage of Indian people were aware.

Macaulay forestalls this objection by pointing to loyal English speaking compradors who were visible in every Presidency.

Why does Martin believe that Macaulay was a cretin who thought it feasible that two hundred million people could be taught a foreign language on a budget of one lakh?
If a hybrid of the primitive and the civilized could produce Hellenic culture from the martial patriotism of ancient Rome to the refinement of the Greeks, then some combination of secular mysticism and Englishness could perfectly civilize India.
Does Martin really not know that Rome conquered a lot of territory and built roads and drained marshes and suppressed piracy and that this enabled commerce to burgeon and wealth to accumulate?

It is wealth and security which 'civilizes' a people. Macaulay was a sound enough economist. He would have been regarded as a lunatic if he claimed that learning a particular type of poetry could magically transform a country's Economic position or guarantee its National Security.  His people knew all too well that they needed Armadas and Artillery and Canals and Railways in order to continue to enjoy peace and prosperity.

Martin ends her essay by admitting that she has been talking nonsense. But why did she do so? The answer is she believes her colleagues believe that there is some magic associated with poetic forms. Careful reading of Macaulay shows this is a foolish fantasy.
Ballad discourse and imperial discourse are intertwined through this question of poetic form based not on a stanza or a syllable count, but on an abstract notion of the primitive mind, the peasant, the savage, the working class child. Macaulay’s Lays of Ancient Rome operates as a bridge between late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century romantic ideas of poetry, imagined primitive communities and fragmentary history, and later revivals of these ideas. By the turn of the twentieth-century, when these poems are re-animated as an emblem of England’s imperial might after the Sepoy revolt and are swept into what I’ve elsewhere called the “military metrical complex,” they become merely another emblem of England’s blindness.[42] But this narrower notion of the national ballad erases their complicated and expansive pre-history, and erases what Macaulay demonstrated: that the lay is always a fantasy form, that the ballad doesn’t have a folk, that the idea of a stable ballad stanza form is an abstraction of actual verse history. By ignoring the history of this poem’s creation we miss the discourses that Macaulay so carefully considered as he assembled these imaginary fragments into immensely popular and influential poems. Ignoring Macaulay’s Lays and the discourse around them, then, allows us to keep intact that powerful fantasy of poetic purity (often in the guise of preliterate universalism masquerading as rhythm). I have been arguing that such fantasies are what we now call poetic form.

In other words, Martin, poor dear, ended up in a University Department populated entirely by cretins who have absurd beliefs. Instead of saying 'Shut up, you idiots! You are talking utter nonsense!' she feels obliged to pander to her colleagues ludicrous fantasies before, at the very end of a long essay, gently chiding them by saying- 'guys, try reading Macaulay for yourself. You'll see that 'poetic forms' don't matter at all. The thing is a pure fantasy. Go have a shower or a nice cup of tea and stop frothing at the mouth. We may be obliged to write nonsense, but we don't have to believe the nonsense we write. '